Quote:
Originally Posted by well named
I think the discussion of (1) might be helped if I made a more concrete proposal, so I'll probably try doing that later on. Mostly just so you all can tell me why it's a really bad idea
So, here's something like what I have in mind.
I propose a law which would penalize
1 media organizations
2 for making egregiously false
3 statements of fact
4.
1. Fines? Court orders to desist or to issue corrections? I'm not imagining criminal charges against individuals, generally speaking, except perhaps contempt of court for failure to comply with a ruling?
2. An exact definition would be required. Roughly speaking, I don't think this law should apply to individuals. I think it should apply to organizations, for-profit or non-profit, such that providing news, entertainment, advocacy, marketing, or dissemination of information is an integral part of the organization's purpose. I'd imagine it might be necessary to limit the application of the law based on the audience size of an organization's publication, but not necessarily the medium. Anything in major media (TV, print, media organization websites) would obviously count, but also social media posts created by such organizations with a sufficient reach. I'm sure there's rough edges here, but hopefully the idea is clear enough for a discussion.
3. When I say "egregious" I have in mind the decision in
Sullivan v. New York Times. I don't think an organization should be liable under this law for getting some minor fact wrong in a story. I think there should be a standard that operates something like the way negligence works, i.e. you are liable for making a claim that a reasonable person should know to be false. So claiming that Sandy Hook never happened violates this law. Publishing over and over again that the unemployment rate is 40% might also violate this law. Writing that it's 4% when it's 3.9% would not.
4. The law would distinguish between fact claims and opinions. It would not, for example, prevent white supremacists from publishing pieces arguing for the superiority of western culture, but it would apply to false claims about race-related crime statistics. I'm envisioning that judges would act as finders of facts in these cases, but maybe that's untenable legally, I don't know. Either way I don't think it's that hard to elaborate reasonable standards for distinguishing fact claims from opinions, standards of evidence for establishing facts, and standards related to the egregiousness of false claims.
All of the above of course leave open questions that would need to be addressed.
One open question in my mind is about who initiates a case that someone has violated this law? If it's the DOJ, then the obvious problem is institutional flexibility in choosing which cases to pursue. An Obama DOJ might prioritize cases against organizations publishing false claims about climate change, while the Trump DOJ prioritizes going after liberal media outlets. On the other hand, I'm not sure how standing would work if other organizations or individuals brought suits, and that would clearly also have its own problems. One idea: the law could authorize state AGs to bring suits under
parens patriae rules, although it seems like there are open questions about the legality there. Presumably even without such a provision states (or the ACLU or others) could sue the federal government for failure to enforce the law fairly, or for violating due process rights if they apply it in a discriminatory way.
Clearly such a law is not going to be passed. It's not clear to me whether it would be constitutional or not, but it doesn't matter really, since it's entirely academic at this point. It also obviously can't fix every problem. But, in response to this:
Quote:
Originally Posted by microbet
Civil rights laws can be dangerous because they are balancing the rights of people in conflict. Being careful, we make distinctions like doing business is a public activity and can be regulated, but we don't force people to not discriminate in who they are friends with or who they marry. And we do what we do because there's an extremely compelling reason.
I think we do have very compelling reasons to believe that the saturation of our society in misinformation and propaganda for various political causes -- and the attendant widening of political polarization -- is a a severe problem. I think it's severe enough to raise questions about the utility of simpler unconditional notions about speech rights, just like the severity of racial discrimination raised a meaningful challenge to the notion of freedom of association.
The question in my mind is whether there are solutions to that problem that have benefits which could justify their costs, whether in terms of lost liberty or unintended consequences. The answer might be no, even theoretically. Or it might be yes but there is no practical path towards any solution. But I think it's an interesting question to ask, beyond just reflexively appealing to "free speech absolutism".