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Originally Posted by well named
So, here's something like what I have in mind.
I propose a law which would penalize1 media organizations2 for making egregiously false3 statements of fact4.
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1. Fines? Court orders to desist or to issue corrections? I'm not imagining criminal charges against individuals, generally speaking, except perhaps contempt of court for failure to comply with a ruling?
Create two levels of offense:
Reckless reporting --> Public censure, causing reputational harm (assuming the process is regarded as legitimate, which I think we must do given the type of solution being proposed), seems the most fitting penalty.
Knowing/willful falsehood --> Fines/Levies/Injunctions
repeat offenders receive increasing penalties, perhaps upgrading Reckless offenders to Willful status after a few judgments against them
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2. An exact definition would be required. Roughly speaking, I don't think this law should apply to individuals. I think it should apply to organizations, for-profit or non-profit, such that providing news, entertainment, advocacy, marketing, or dissemination of information is an integral part of the organization's purpose.
Is it more than logistical limitations dissuading you from applying the law to individuals?
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I'd imagine it might be necessary to limit the application of the law based on the audience size of an organization's publication, but not necessarily the medium.
Perhaps include the scale of the publication as a penalty aggravation consideration rather than as a threshold liability issue.
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3. When I say "egregious" I have in mind the decision in Sullivan v. New York Times. I don't think an organization should be liable under this law for getting some minor fact wrong in a story. I think there should be a standard that operates something like the way negligence works, i.e. you are liable for making a claim that a reasonable person should know to be false. So claiming that Sandy Hook never happened violates this law. Publishing over and over again that the unemployment rate is 40% might also violate this law. Writing that it's 4% when it's 3.9% would not.
the
Sullivan decision afaiu/ianae deals with the culpable mens rea (see re: to
1., above) of the speaker, not with the category of content of the speech
I think delimiting the content-categories of this proposed law's application will be by far the most difficult task wrt conceiving the law's propriety.
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4. The law would distinguish between fact claims and opinions. It would not, for example, prevent white supremacists from publishing pieces arguing for the superiority of western culture, but it would apply to false claims about race-related crime statistics. I'm envisioning that judges would act as finders of facts in these cases, but maybe that's untenable legally, I don't know. Either way I don't think it's that hard to elaborate reasonable standards for distinguishing fact claims from opinions, standards of evidence for establishing facts, and standards related to the egregiousness of false claims.
Perhaps invite would-be publishers to hold themselves out as "news providers" or whatever term when they intend their audiences to understand that the publication conveys fact-reporting - allow the limitations to be self-applied to increase the public's assurance that the presented information is vetted to some extent.
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One open question in my mind is about who initiates a case that someone has violated this law? If it's the DOJ, then the obvious problem is institutional flexibility in choosing which cases to pursue. An Obama DOJ might prioritize cases against organizations publishing false claims about climate change, while the Trump DOJ prioritizes going after liberal media outlets. On the other hand, I'm not sure how standing would work if other organizations or individuals brought suits, and that would clearly also have its own problems. One idea: the law could authorize state AGs to bring suits under parens patriae rules, although it seems like there are open questions about the legality there. Presumably even without such a provision states (or the ACLU or others) could sue the federal government for failure to enforce the law fairly, or for violating due process rights if they apply it in a discriminatory way.
I think the clear potential for conflict of interest requires private standing to bring claims under this proposed law, but I would chill potentially frivolous (and judicially crippling) litigation by imposing cost- and fee-shifting rules, and perhaps liquidated/statutory damages for entities who repeatedly prosecute and lose these cases.
Last edited by iamnotawerewolf; 08-20-2018 at 12:50 PM.