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How Libertarians Win Friends And Influence People With Their Positions on the Civil War How Libertarians Win Friends And Influence People With Their Positions on the Civil War

12-08-2009 , 03:11 PM
Quote:
Originally Posted by FlyWf
Really, Elliot's thread title here is so perfectly brilliant I can't say it any better than that.


Imagine you were talking to an apolitical but intelligent black person and you wanted to impress on him the importance of a government having the consent of the governed. Do you think South Carolina circa 1861 would be a good or a bad example to lead with?
Is he willing to sit and discuss for an extended period of time so all questions can be asked and attended to? If I can have that I'll start anywhere they're interested in starting. If he's pissed because he thinks I'm a racist south loving rebel child wannabe then I would start there. It helps when the contrast of illusion and reality are at their greatest to help shake the foundation of what someone believes.
12-08-2009 , 03:26 PM
Quote:
Is he willing to sit and discuss for an extended period of time so all questions can be asked and attended to?
Probably not after you tell him we should build statues of Nathan Forrest.
12-08-2009 , 03:43 PM
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BTW, as an aside, viewing race as a social construct is a very dangerous thing, because it implies that there's such a thing as an enlightened man that can rise above it and we'll all do so a generation or two from now.
True, I do sound very nu-age wishy washy with all that talk. But the way we view race is distinct to our period of time. I know this is not lead pipe lock proof, but skin color was not always that big of a deal.There will always be a new "racism" or basically some type of ignorant prejudice towards people that needs to be healed. We're lucky enough to live in a time and a country that's done so much for women and gays(we started the slave trade we don't get credit for fixing it imo) but you're right we've always gotta be on the look out. Enlightened man is a not a real person, it's the journey towards becoming it that is it.

Quote:
Race has perhaps been the single largest difference-maker in almost every multi-ethnic society throughout history and it's possible that ingrained preferences for your own race are genetic;
I don't think we know that. I think(I could be wrong here for sure) we know that there is genetic preference for our own parents(Oedipus complex) so that might be the actual cause not that someone wants a specific race(thats fake) they want someone close in appearance to their parent. Since race(skin tone segregation) is actually based upon distance from the equator and some other environmental factors and like 40 thousand years time.

Quote:
further, it's probable that attitudes about race start setting in before you can talk. In our particular society, two year old black children have a distinct preference for playing with white dolls, a black man with no criminal record has a harder time finding a job than a white man with a drug conviction, and over half of white Southern Republicans think Obama hasn't proven his citizenship largely because his daddy was a black Kenyan. It's also a society where you can apparently say “Diversity, in this sense, does not make us stronger; it makes us weaker, and it gives the DC government more power to run its empire by displacing the descendants of the European, Christian founding stock with compliant and dependent immigrants from the Third World. The only antidote to this insanity is the reassertion of State sovereignty and secession." is "somewhat racist, but not terribly so" and remain unapologetic about that statement for a page or two while a dozen of your friends deny that people belonging to the organization that put out an article with that in it are racists.
We're delving a bit into the realm of science a bit more than I feel comfortable without getting some googletarding done, and I feel as though I don't quite need to yet to make my point. If I've wronged myself self in the science then I'll look forward to your, or someone else's, correction.

I think the reason why we have special problems with the inclusion of black people into the American melting pot is because they came in on the bottom and were stuck in a unique spot as compared to the rest of the immigrants in our history so they could not go on the same path they went on. And then when they were afforded the opportunity(post 13th amendment america) the union decided to rub it into the south's face that they had lost the war and did what states always do. They reacted poorly in the post war south that's fairly predictable throughout history when you spit in your enemies' face after your finished with them(I honestly wonder if Lincoln could have handled it better, but nothing in his presidency gives me any inclination that he could). I think this is the base reason for why they could not follow the standard path. I think it's problems would have taken several generations to work through, but they could have been fixed. The cross section of people identified as black(this all becomes especially sad lulz when you look at the one drop rule) have endured the horrific fate of continue government assistance their entire history in America. That's a resource destructive fate I'd wish on no one.

Diversity has not made us stronger. Diversity is an illusion that servers no purpose. Black people are not different than Irish people or German people. We gained so much because tons of people came to this country poor as hell and were forced to grind it out with only their ingenuity at their guide. Diversity is an outcome when people compete over resources and realize that if a competing company is too stupid to hire people with brown skin then they will fail in productive capacity in comparison.
12-08-2009 , 03:48 PM
Quote:
Originally Posted by FlyWf
Probably not after you tell him we should build statues of Nathan Forrest.
Not sure why I would tell him that, any reason why you'd think I would tell him that? I only know of that guy because he's been mentioned a lot in this thread. Why would a libertarian build a statue to him? Honestly I don't know where you would get the funds, maybe it would have to be a private venture. It would be a weird thing to say, but free people do some goofy things and someone may erect a statue to him.

I'd certainly give him some Rothbard to read, but I would have to be straight with him about the guys past. If I were to try and hide aspects of what he wanted to talk to me about then he would not really trust anything I had to say.

I'm not afraid of an ignorant history if I'm committed to moving away from it.
12-08-2009 , 03:57 PM
Quote:
Originally Posted by FlyWf
Imagine you were talking to an apolitical but intelligent black person and you wanted to impress on him the importance of a government having the consent of the governed. Do you think South Carolina circa 1861 would be a good or a bad example to lead with?
Can you give examples where libertarians have done this?
12-08-2009 , 03:57 PM
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Originally Posted by TomVeil
Except that the vast majority of the time, libertarians are RESPONDING to somebody talking about the civil war, not bringing it up.
bump
12-08-2009 , 03:58 PM
Quote:
Originally Posted by vhawk01
hard for who? For you or for really really stupid people that you would be embarrassed to associate much less make excuses for? Because while I do recognize that some people do actually find it really hard to do this, I recognize that that is a very bad thing and a sign of stupidity. Surely you agree with me and will aid me in decrying this illogical stupidity rather than validating and empowering it right?
bump, I'd like to see an answer to this.

(but I'm sure we'll get more of the same dead-horse-beating)
12-08-2009 , 03:58 PM
Quote:
Originally Posted by Case Closed
I doubt there anyone lurking this thread not directly involved, but I would be interested if there is anyone reading, but not involved, chiming in. Are the libertarian arguments any good here?
Not sure if you would consider me involved in this thread. If you not I'll give you my opinion on it.
12-08-2009 , 04:04 PM
Quote:
Originally Posted by rjoefish
Not sure if you would consider me involved in this thread. If you not I'll give you my opinion on it.
Rjoe,

Either way your opinion is something I'd be interested in.
12-08-2009 , 04:38 PM
Quote:
Originally Posted by Case Closed
Why would a libertarian build a statue to him?

I'd certainly give him some Rothbard to read,
How about this, I'm sure it would warm the cockles of his heart...

Quote:
"Perhaps, some day, their statues (...Sherman, Grant, and Lincoln..), like Lenin’s in Russia, will be toppled and melted down; their insignias and battle flags will be desecrated, their war songs tossed into the fire. And then Davis and Lee and Jackson and Forrest, and all the heroes of the South, "Dixie" and the Stars and Bars, will once again be truly honored and remembered. The classic comment on that meretricious TV series The Civil War was made by that marvelous and feisty Southern writer Florence King. Asked her views on the series, she replied: "I didn’t have time to watch The Civil War. I’m too busy getting ready for the next one." In that spirit, I am sure that one day, aided and abetted by Northerners like myself in the glorious "copperhead" tradition, the South shall rise again."

Just War by Murray N. Rothbard
http://www.lewrockwell.com/rothbard/rothbard20.html
12-08-2009 , 04:48 PM
buddy,

Interesting factoid. What does it imply?
12-08-2009 , 05:08 PM
I think some of the Libertarian's arguments are good. Such as saying we support a person's/group's right to do X and we cannot support another person/group using force to keep them doing Y. For the most part the Libertarian's in this thread have put up decent, well thought out arguments for their side but there are a few people that kind seem kind of whacky (but both sides have a bit of that going on here).

But I fall more in line with what Dvaut was saying for the most part that in general theory that is more than acceptable however when you specifically apply it so the South's attempt at secession it is no longer the same thing or acceptable. I view the Civil War as mostly about slavery. Having read this thread I see there are quite a few other reasons for the war which I don't think are as obvious or believable, at least they wouldn't be to an average person that a Libertarian might be talking to (which is pretty much what this whole thread is about: who your audience is). By average person I mean someone with a basic understanding of what happened in the Civil War which I think is pretty much what everyone learned in high school history. For example, things I don't think have much of an impact when talking to those people or might make them disinterested are about which amendment Lincoln supported, or supported more than the other wrt Corwin and 13th or how Lincoln's racism compares to modern times or other people during that time and how it affected his decisions or that it was never really about slavery and it was all about forcing them to stay in the Union. While I agree that a large part of it was to keep them in the union and it would be obvious to most people I don't think the not about slavery or him not really being to interested in it would play well. I think the average person is just going to think what Fly was mocking people with earlier in the thread, something along the lines of 'He freed the slaves he can't be that racist'. Now, if you have them interested and discussing other parts of the war both of those things could potentially be relevant later in the conversation but I don't know where that point would be.

One of the arguments that was going back and forth quite a bit was 'I support the right of person X saying Y and its the same thing as us talking about the Civil War.' I think its not a good point as in one case you're supporting the right of someone to say something and in the other you're supporting their right to do something. I get that people were trying to say they just support people's rights but I think there's a big difference between the two. Maybe a bad example but I'll use it anyways; say I tell you I support the government and their existence and all that. Most people around here would just come back at me with 'So you support their right to use force on everyone and steal from people...' and so on. I think that's the same thing as someone saying 'I support the South's right to secede' and someone then saying they support their right to force slavery onto people. By supporting their right to do something, in a specific instance, it would appear that you also support their right to engage in the activity, or activies, that make up their reason for the initial action. This one goes along with the other reasons that are being put out for the secession but I don't think they're enough to get that average person going in this direction.

This part is probably just me but it also seems contrary when Libertarians say they support the South's right to have their leaders decide what to do. They're making decisions for a mass group of people that may or may not agree with them and a certain group that would especially not agree with them. It seems they would support the right of the South's majority in 1860, who wanted to secede and continue slavery, but not the right of a majority to make decisions for everyone now which seems like they would support slavery. Maybe I didn't read the thread closely enough to understand what is going on or why this is so. I remember reading a back and forth about states getting progressively smaller is better and stuff like that but it didn't answer the questions for me.

As for the LvMI and all those other people it gets a little bit out there. Some of the things articles posted in this thread seem racist to me, or at the very very least they're trying to form a connection with racists and win them over which is also bad IMO. You're going to have racists involved in whatever is going on and I'm not saying you should never engage someone you think is racist or try to discuss your ideals with them but to specifically target them because of their racist ideals to win them over is wrong. The south will rise again, bedford statue rant was one of them. Giving a favorable book review to something that is basically saying people are dumb because they are black is at the very least giving a thumbs up to a racist and probably means you agree with a lot/most of the theory. There was the argument that you can admire someone's courage and technical knowledge and still not agree with them but when I read that review I get the feeling he's either swayed by it or believed in a black inferiority already. From reading it he was giving Levin's side of it, LDO its a review, but the way he did it and then showing where to read the rebuttals and all of that is what gave me that impression. Then again, I haven't read any of his other reviews so I don't know his style on it and I'm probably pretty biased myself.

The League of the South stuff was a really bad argument by a few of the libertarians in this thread. The continuation that they aren't racist or nothing was shown after their platform was put up made no sense. It was very racist and bigoted in my view and to support it, defend it, try to explain it away didn't work. That some prominent members of the libertarian movement are associated with that group certainly does not put up a good image. I see that some are denying being founding members or whatever but seems weird considering how involved they are with one anothers activities. Their involvment also says that it couldn't of been an instance of them joining a group and it later changing its ideals so that they no longer match their own.

I think DVaut's advice part was fairly sound. If there are people, prominent people, that are involved in a group like that it will look bad for your side. But probably only if that's the only thing you're always talking about. This forum probably had that reaction and this thread because when you see the AC and libertarian stuff you hear about those people a lot. To a normal person it probably won't have any effect but if you jump right into why Lincoln was a huge racist and the Civil War wasn't about slavery and the South had every right to secede I think that will have a negative effect unless you're talking with someone with a very open mind or a really good historial knowledge base combined with an equally good understanding of the underlying libertarian views.
12-08-2009 , 05:41 PM
rjoe,

Interesting post, thanks for the input.

Quote:
One of the arguments that was going back and forth quite a bit was 'I support the right of person X saying Y and its the same thing as us talking about the Civil War.' I think its not a good point as in one case you're supporting the right of someone to say something and in the other you're supporting their right to do something. I get that people were trying to say they just support people's rights but I think there's a big difference between the two. Maybe a bad example but I'll use it anyways; say I tell you I support the government and their existence and all that. Most people around here would just come back at me with 'So you support their right to use force on everyone and steal from people...' and so on. I think that's the same thing as someone saying 'I support the South's right to secede' and someone then saying they support their right to force slavery onto people. By supporting their right to do something, in a specific instance, it would appear that you also support their right to engage in the activity, or activies, that make up their reason for the initial action. This one goes along with the other reasons that are being put out for the secession but I don't think they're enough to get that average person going in this direction.
I would be fine if someone said they support a state that is not allowed to use force to sustain it, it's not gonna happen =D. It's hard because it's a complex issue where you can get the input on just secession or the libertarian idea on the whole entire scope of the issues of the day. I prefer being able to give my opinion on the entire situation since it allows more room to proper display the nuance the position. My answer to "southern secession yes/no?" is yes, but my opinion on the policy flaws of the day would not stop there. Your next paragraph illustrates this problem, answering a question that puts you in a box...puts you in a box. I don't think people are listening or believe that we don't wanna be in that box, but if someone is gonna ask that question I will answer it(Especially considering that we're not on a site full of life noobs afaik).

Quote:
The League of the South stuff was a really bad argument by a few of the libertarians in this thread.
True, and you're right it is a bad image. But pretending it did not happen is not gonna help, it only messes up arguments. It was hard to deal with for some people, but we got some healing done in my opinion.

Quote:
I think DVaut's advice part was fairly sound. If there are people, prominent people, that are involved in a group like that it will look bad for your side.
His advice is sound, but generally unwarranted. We have this thread like once a year, it's not the main argument or anyone by people who are not a part of the LoTS which, as it turns out, no one here really had a good understanding of anyway. I already mentioned this, but I think the posts where people said that are just attempts to feel like they "won" the thread so they can cap it off with some advice that no one needed in the first place.

Leading with the most complex ideas is always a bad idea, and the optimal means by which someone engages another human-non libertarian to convince them of the libertarian platform is always a situational problem. That's why Mises.org has so many articles that are written about so many different situations. If you met the civil war argument first and it's not up your alley try something else if you're still interested in checking out the philosophy. If I had to choose one piece of work to give to someone knowing they would read it and digest it fully and my goal was to get that person to become a libertarian I would not choose a book on the civil war in 9/10 occasions.
12-08-2009 , 05:59 PM
Quote:
Originally Posted by Case Closed
buddy,

Interesting factoid. What does it imply?
res ipsa loquitur

Spoiler:
"the thing speaks for itself"
12-08-2009 , 06:00 PM
Quote:
Originally Posted by Case Closed
rjoe,

Interesting post, thanks for the input.



I would be fine if someone said they support a state that is not allowed to use force to sustain it, it's not gonna happen =D. It's hard because it's a complex issue where you can get the input on just secession or the libertarian idea on the whole entire scope of the issues of the day. I prefer being able to give my opinion on the entire situation since it allows more room to proper display the nuance the position. My answer to "southern secession yes/no?" is yes, but my opinion on the policy flaws of the day would not stop there. Your next paragraph illustrates this problem, answering a question that puts you in a box...puts you in a box. I don't think people are listening or believe that we don't wanna be in that box, but if someone is gonna ask that question I will answer it(Especially considering that we're not on a site full of life noobs afaik).
I don't think you shouldn't talk about it or answer questions. I think that will all the variables involved it could be a very tough conversation for some people to have if they're not willing to go past some of the well established beliefs or their understanding of history and really dive into what you're saying. If they aren't they're going to shut down right away, if they disagree you'll need to prepare to have a weeks long conversation about it from what it looks like :P
It was more intended for if you're talking to some random person, not here, as I think most people here are willing to take the time to at least go back and forth on an issue for however long it takes.

Quote:
True, and you're right it is a bad image. But pretending it did not happen is not gonna help, it only messes up arguments. It was hard to deal with for some people, but we got some healing done in my opinion.
For the most part I think there was a very good discussion on this part of it but there were a very few hold outs that kind of kept trying to bring it back up and argue that there was nothing wrong after a bunch of people had made various concessions on both sides and it didn't really help anything.

Quote:
His advice is sound, but generally unwarranted. We have this thread like once a year, it's not the main argument or anyone by people who are not a part of the LoTS which, as it turns out, no one here really had a good understanding of anyway. I already mentioned this, but I think the posts where people said that are just attempts to feel like they "won" the thread so they can cap it off with some advice that no one needed in the first place.
Perhaps. I'm sure you guys can come up with your arguments and provide them in a convincing way without other people telling you how to do it, after all, it seems like a lot of people have had or changed a great deal of ideas and opinions in this forum alone. I probably should have phrased it as 'his advice was a good point' and less as a way that came across as 'his advice is good and you'd be wise to heed it'.

Quote:
Leading with the most complex ideas is always a bad idea, and the optimal means by which someone engages another human-non libertarian to convince them of the libertarian platform is always a situational problem. That's why Mises.org has so many articles that are written about so many different situations. If you met the civil war argument first and it's not up your alley try something else if you're still interested in checking out the philosophy. If I had to choose one piece of work to give to someone knowing they would read it and digest it fully and my goal was to get that person to become a libertarian I would not choose a book on the civil war in 9/10 occasions.
Makes sense. To be honest when I came into this forum I didn't ever think there would be a thread with almost a few thousand posts on the Civil War.
12-08-2009 , 07:21 PM
Quote:
Originally Posted by Case Closed
I doubt there anyone lurking this thread not directly involved, but I would be interested if there is anyone reading, but not involved, chiming in. Are the libertarian arguments any good here?
I rather discuss the more current racist policies and actions of the Democratic party and individual Democrats, including the Japanese internment camps of WWII; the appointments of Hugo Black and Jimmy Byrnes to the Supreme Court; Robert Byrd, Fritz Hollings and the numerous democratic Senators who opposed the Civil Right Act of 1964 and most importantly the racial implications of currently existing federal programs that have a substantial negative economic impact on poor minorities.

And when we finish that discussion, we can move on to the Republicans.
12-08-2009 , 07:34 PM
Why not just talk about everyone that supported or opposed those events at one time?
12-08-2009 , 07:43 PM
Quote:
Originally Posted by rjoefish
Why not just talk about everyone that supported or opposed those events at one time?
Because then we would be closer to talking about the merits of the issues rather than attempting to tarnish an entire party or general way of thinking with the racist label simply because there may be a racist who thinks similarly on issues other than race.
12-08-2009 , 07:54 PM
I guess you were trying to set a clever trap. FWIW both sides have agreed afaik that there are racists in pretty much any organization and I don't that's really what's being argued ITT by most.
12-08-2009 , 11:59 PM
Quote:
Originally Posted by Case Closed
I doubt there anyone lurking this thread not directly involved, but I would be interested if there is anyone reading, but not involved, chiming in. Are the libertarian arguments any good here?
What libertarian arguments? I don't see any. Libertarianism is only tangentially related to this discussion.

This is a about a specific group of libertarians with questionable viewpoints who happen to have a lot of apologists on this forum.
12-09-2009 , 12:10 AM
He probably meant "libertarian's arguments." Just like there are no "statist arguments," ITT, just "statist's arguments." You'll get that when the premise of the thread is just an ad hominem. I'm not saying it's not valid to say that certain libertarians have questionable associations, but it is not an attack on their ideas.
12-09-2009 , 01:46 AM
Quote:
Originally Posted by adanthar
Also,
Rothbard's article WAS primarily talking about the North's actions.

Also, I'd be more interested in the truth than "what the average person thinks about the Civil War" because the average person has been told a lot of bull**** propoganda about it.

Quote:
Originally Posted by FlyWf
Really, Elliot's thread title here is so perfectly brilliant I can't say it any better than that.


Imagine you were talking to an apolitical but intelligent black person and you wanted to impress on him the importance of a government having the consent of the governed. Do you think South Carolina circa 1861 would be a good or a bad example to lead with?
It is awesome that you automatically assume that people would lead with that example. Nice try.

Quote:
Originally Posted by BuddyQ
How about this, I'm sure it would warm the cockles of his heart...
I'd certainly give him the whole article so he wouldn't keep making the same stupid mistake some of you are here by taking that completely out of context.

Nowhere in that article does Rothbard say slavery is right. Nowhere does he say it was justified that blacks be subjected to white rule. The entire article focuses on the unjust **** the North did, and for a reason. It isn't to glorify slavery or racism, it is to make light of the horrible crime the North did and their motivations for doing it.

Quote:
Originally Posted by Willywoo
Because then we would be closer to talking about the merits of the issues rather than attempting to tarnish an entire party or general way of thinking with the racist label simply because there may be a racist who thinks similarly on issues other than race.
12-09-2009 , 01:52 AM
Just for kicks:

Quote:
Originally Posted by That "awful racist slavery supporter" Lysander Spooner's No Treason No. 1
The question of treason is distinct from that of slavery; and is the same that it would have been, if free States, instead of slave States, had seceded.

On the part of the North, the war was carried on, not to liberate slaves, but by a government that had always perverted and violated the Constitution, to keep the slaves in bondage; and was still willing to do so, if the slaveholders could be thereby induced to stay in the Union.

The principle, on which the war was waged by the North, was simply this: That men may rightfully be compelled to submit to, and support, a government that they do not want; and that resistance, on their part, makes them traitors and criminals.

No principle, that is possible to be named, can be more self-evidently false than this; or more self-evidently fatal to all political freedom. Yet it triumphed in the field, and is now assumed to be established. If it really be established, the number of slaves, instead of having been diminished by the war, has been greatly increased; for a man, thus subjected to a government that he does not want, is a slave. And there is no difference, in principle – but only in degree – between political and chattel slavery. The former, no less than the latter, denies a man’s ownership of himself and the products of his labor; and asserts that other men may own him, and dispose of him and his property, for their uses, and at their pleasure.

Previous to the war, there were some grounds for saying that – in theory, at least, if not in practice – our government was a free one; that it rested on consent. But nothing of that kind can be said now, if the principle on which the war was carried on by the North, is irrevocably established.

If that principle be not the principle of the Constitution, the fact should be known. If it be the principle of the Constitution, the Constitution itself should be at once overthrown.

Notwithstanding all the proclamations we have made to mankind, within the last ninety years, that our government rests on consent, and that that was the rightful basis on which any government could rest, the late war has practically demonstrated that our government rests upon force – as much so as any government that ever existed.

The North has thus virtually said to the world: It was all very well to prate of consent, so long as the objects to be accomplished were to liberate ourselves from our connexion with England, and also to coax a scattered and jealous people into a great national union; but now that those purposes have been accomplished, and the power of the North has become consolidated, it is sufficient for us – as for all governments – simply to say: Our power is our right.

In proportion to her wealth and population, the North has probably expended more money and blood to maintain her power over an unwilling people, than any other government ever did. And in her estimation, it is apparently the chief glory of her success, and an adequate compensation for all her own losses, and an ample justification for all her devastation and carnage of the South, that all pretence of any necessity for consent to the perpetuity or power of government, is (as she thinks) forever expunged from the minds of the people. In short, the North exults beyond measure in the proof she has given, that a government, professedly resting on consent, will expend more life and treasure in crushing dissent, than any government, openly founded on force, has ever done.

And she claims that she has done all this in behalf of liberty! In behalf of free government! In behalf of the principle that government should rest on consent!

If the successors of Roger Williams, within a hundred years after their State had been founded upon the principle of free religious toleration, and when the Baptists had become strong on the credit of that principle, had taken to burning heretics with a fury never seen before among men; and had they finally gloried in having thus suppressed all question of the truth of the State religion; and had they further claimed to have done all this in behalf of freedom of conscience, the inconsistency between profession and conduct would scarcely have been greater than that of the North, in carrying on such a war as she has done, to compel men to live under and support a government that they did not want; and in then claiming that she did it in behalf of the of the principle that government should rest on consent.

This astonishing absurdity and self-contradiction are to be accounted for only by supposing, either that the lusts of fame, and power, and money, have made her utterly blind to, or utterly reckless of, the inconsistency and enormity of her conduct; or that she has never even understood what was implied in a government's resting on consent. Perhaps this last explanation is the true one. In charity to human nature, it is to be hoped that it is.

II.

What, then, is implied in a government’s resting on consent?

If it be said that the consent of the strongest party, in a nation, is all that is necessary to justify the establishment of a government that shall have authority over the weaker party, it may be answered that the most despotic governments in the world rest upon that very principle, viz: the consent of the strongest party. These governments are formed simply by the consent or agreement of the strongest party, that they will act in concert in subjecting the weaker party to their dominion. And the despotism, and tyranny, and injustice of these governments consist in that very fact. Or at least that is the first step in their tyranny; a necessary preliminary to all the oppressions that are to follow.

If it be said that the consent of the most numerous party, in a nation, is sufficient to justify the establishment of their power over the less numerous party, it may be answered:

First. That two men have no more natural right to exercise any kind of authority over one, than one has to exercise the same authority over two. A man’s natural rights are his own, against the whole world; and any infringement of them is equally a crime, whether committed by one man, or by millions; whether committed by one man, calling himself a robber, (or by any other name indicating his true character,) or by millions, calling themselves a government.

Second. It would be absurd for the most numerous party to talk of establishing a government over the less numerous party, unless the former were also the strongest, as well as the most numerous; for it is not to be supposed that the strongest party would ever submit to the rule of the weaker party, merely because the latter were the most numerous. And as a matter of fact, it is perhaps never that governments are established by the most numerous party. They are usually, if not always, established by the less numerous party; their superior strength consisting of their superior wealth, intelligence, and ability to act in concert.

Third. Our Constitution does not profess to have been established simply by the majority; but by “the people;” the minority, as much as the majority.

Fourth. If our fathers, in 1776, had acknowledged the principle that a majority had the right to rule the minority, we should never have become a nation; for they were in a small minority, as compared with those who claimed the right to rule over them.

Fifth. Majorities, as such, afford no guarantees for justice. They are men of the same nature as minorities. They have the same passions for fame, power, and money, as minorities; and are liable and likely to be equally – perhaps more than equally, because more boldly – rapacious, tyrannical and unprincipled, if intrusted with power. There is no more reason, then, why a man should either sustain, or submit to, the rule of the majority, than of a minority. Majorities and minorities cannot rightfully be taken at all into account in deciding questions of justice. And all talk about them, in matters of government, is mere absurdity. Men are dunces for uniting to sustain any government, or any laws, except those in which they are all agreed. And nothing but force and fraud compel men to sustain any other. To say that majorities, as such, have a right to rule minorities, is equivalent to saying that minorities have, and ought to have, no rights, except such as majorities please to allow them.

Sixth. It is not improbable that many or most of the worst of governments – although established by force, and by a few, in the first place – come, in time, to be supported by a majority. But if they do, this majority is composed, in large part, of the most ignorant, superstitious, timid, dependent, servile, and corrupt portions of the people; of those who have been over-awed by the power, intelligence, wealth, and arrogance; of those who have been deceived by the frauds; and of those who have been corrupted by the inducements, of the few who really constitute the government. Such majorities, very likely, could be found in half, perhaps nine-tenths, of all the countries on the globe. What do they prove? Nothing but the tyranny and corruption of the very governments that have reduced so large portions of the people to their present ignorance, servility, degradation, and corruption; an ignorance, servility, degradation, and corruption that are best illustrated in the simple fact that they do sustain governments that have so oppressed, degraded, and corrupted them. They do nothing towards proving that the governments themselves are legitimate; or that they ought to be sustained, or even endured, by those who understand their true character. The mere fact, therefore, that a government chances to be sustained by a majority, of itself proves nothing that is necessary to be proved, in order to know whether such government should be sustained, or not.

Seventh. The principle that the majority have a right to rule the minority, practically resolves all government into a mere contest between two bodies of men, as to which of them shall be masters, and which of them slaves; a contest, that – however bloody – can, in the nature of things, never be finally closed, so long as man refuses to be a slave.
12-09-2009 , 01:56 AM
Cont.

Quote:
III.

But to say that the consent of either the strongest party, or the most numerous party, in a nation, is sufficient justification for the establishment or maintenance of a government that shall control the whole nation, does not obviate the difficulty. The question still remains, how comes such a thing as “a nation” to exist? How do millions of men, scattered over an extensive territory – each gifted by nature with individual freedom; required by the law of nature to call no man, or body of men, his masters; authorized by that law to seek his own happiness in his own way, to do what he will with himself and his property, so long as he does not trespass upon the equal liberty of others; authorized also, by that law, to defend his own rights, and redress his own wrongs; and to go to the assistance and defence of any of his fellow men who may be suffering any kind of injustice – how do millions of such men come to be a nation, in the first place? How is it that each of them comes to be stripped of his natural, God-given rights, and to be incorporated, compressed, compacted, and consolidated into a mass with other men, whom he never saw; with whom he has no contract; and towards many of whom he has no sentiments but fear, hatred, or contempt? How does he become subjected to the control of men like himself, who, by nature, had no authority over him; but who command him to do this, and forbid him to do that, as if they were his sovereigns, and he their subject; and as if their wills and their interests were the only standards of his duties and his rights; and who compel him to submission under peril of confiscation, imprisonment, and death?

Clearly all this is the work of force, or fraud, or both.

By what right, then, did we become “a nation?” By what right do we continue to be “a nation?” And by what right do either the strongest, or the most numerous, party, now existing within the territorial limits, called “The United States,” claim that there really is such “a nation” as the United States? Certainly they are bound to show the rightful existence of “a nation,” before they can claim, on that ground, that they themselves have a right to control it; to seize, for their purposes, so much of every man’s property within it, as they may choose; and, at their discretion, to compel any man to risk his own life, or take the lives of other men, for the maintenance of their power.

To speak of either their numbers, or their strength, is not to the purpose. The question is by what right does the nation exist? And by what right are so many atrocities committed by its authority? or for its preservation?

The answer to this question must certainly be, that at least such a nation exists by no right whatever.

We are, therefore, driven to the acknowledgment that nations and governments, if they can rightfully exist at all, can exist only by consent.

IV.

The question, then, returns, what is implied in a government’s resting on consent?

Manifestly this one thing (to say nothing of the others) is necessarily implied in the idea of a government’s resting on consent, viz: the separate, individual consent of every man who is required to contribute, either by taxation or personal service, to the support of the government. All this, or nothing, is necessarily implied, because one man's consent is just as necessary as any other man’s. If, for example, A claims that his consent is necessary to the establishment or maintenance of government, he thereby necessarily admits that B’s and every other man’s are equally necessary; because B’s and every other man's right are just as good as his own. On the other hand, if he denies that B’s or any other particular man’s consent is necessary, he thereby necessarily admits that neither his own, nor any other man’s is necessary; and that government need to be founded on consent at all.

There is, therefore, no alternative but to say, either that the separate, individual consent of every man, who is required to aid, in any way, in supporting the government, is necessary, or that the consent of no one is necessary.

Clearly this individual consent is indispensable to the idea of treason; for if a man has never consented or agreed to support a government, he breaks no faith in refusing to support it. And if he makes war upon it, he does so as an open enemy, and not as a traitor that is, as a betrayer, or treacherous friend.

All this, or nothing, was necessarily implied in the Declaration made in 1776. If the necessity for consent, then announced, was a sound principle in favor of three millions of men, it was an equally sound one in favor of three men, or of one man. If the principle was a sound one in behalf of men living on a separate continent, it was an equally sound one in behalf of a man living on a separate farm, or in a separate house.

Moreover, it was only as separate individuals, each acting for himself, and not as members of organized governments, that the three millions declared their consent to be necessary to their support of a government; and, at the same time, declared their dissent to the support of the British Crown. The governments, then existing in the Colonies, had no constitutional power, as governments, to declare the separation between England and America. On the contrary, those governments, as governments, were organized under charters from, and acknowledged allegiance to, the British Crown. Of course the British king never made it one of the chartered or constitutional powers of those governments, as governments, to absolve the people from their allegiance to himself. So far, therefore, as the Colonial Legislatures acted as revolutionists, they acted only as so many individual revolutionists, and not as constitutional legislatures. And their representatives at Philadelphia, who first declared Independence, were, in the eye of the constitutional law of that day, simply a committee of Revolutionists, and in no sense constitutional authorities, or the representatives of constitutional authorities.

It was also, in the eye of the law, only as separate individuals, each acting for himself, and exercising simply his natural rights as an individual, that the people at large assented to, and ratified the Declaration.

It was also only as so many individuals, each acting for himself, and exercising simply his natural rights, that they revolutionized the constitutional character of their local governments, (so as to exclude the idea of allegiance to Great Britain); changing their forms only as and when their convenience dictated.

The whole Revolution, therefore, as a Revolution, was declared and accomplished by the people, acting separately as individuals, and exercising each his natural rights, and not by their governments in the exercise of their constitutional powers.

It was, therefore, as individuals, and only as individuals, each acting for himself alone, that they declared that their consent – that is, their individual consent, for each one could consent only for himself – was necessary to the creation or perpetuity of any government that they could rightfully be called on to support.

In the same way each declared, for himself, that his own will, pleasure, and discretion were the only authorities he had any occasion to consult, in determining whether he would any longer support the government under which he had always lived. And if this action of each individual were valid and rightful when he had so many other individuals to keep him company, it would have been, in the view of natural justice and right, equally valid and rightful, if he had taken the same step alone. He had the same natural right to take up arms alone to defend his own property against a single tax-gatherer, that he had to take up arms in company with three millions of others, to defend the property of all against an army of tax-gatherers.

Thus the whole Revolution turned upon, asserted, and, in theory, established, the right of each and every man, at his discretion, to release himself from the support of the government under which he had lived. And this principle was asserted, not as a right peculiar to themselves, or to that time, or as applicable only to the government then existing; but as a universal right of all men, at all times, and under all circumstances.

George the Third called our ancestors traitors for what they did at that time. But they were not traitors in fact, whatever he or his laws may have called them. They were not traitors in fact, because they betrayed nobody, and broke faith with nobody. They were his equals, owing him no allegiance, obedience, nor any other duty, except such as they owed to mankind at large. Their political relations with him had been purely voluntary. They had never pledged their faith to him that they would continue these relations any longer than it should please them to do so; and therefore they broke no faith in parting with him. They simply exercised their natural right of saying to him, and to the English people, that they were under no obligation to continue their political connexion with them, and that, for reasons of their own, they chose to dissolve it.

What was true of our ancestors, is true of revolutionists in general. The monarchs and governments, from whom they choose to separate, attempt to stigmatize them as traitors. But they are not traitors in fact; inasmuch they betray, and break faith with, no one. Having pledged no faith, they break none. They are simply men, who, for reasons of their own – whether good or bad, wise or unwise, is immaterial – choose to exercise their natural right of dissolving their connexion with the governments under which they have lived. In doing this, they no more commit the crime of treason – which necessarily implies treachery, deceit, breach of faith – than a man commits treason when he chooses to leave a church, or any other voluntary association, with which he has been connected.

This principle was a true one in 1776. It is a true one now. It is the only one on which any rightful government can rest. It is the one on which the Constitution itself professes to rest. If it does not really rest on that basis, it has no right to exist; and it is the duty of every man to raise his hand against it.

If the men of the Revolution designed to incorporate in the Constitution the absurd ideas of allegiance and treason, which they had once repudiated, against which they had fought, and by which the world had been enslaved, they thereby established for themselves an indisputable claim to the disgust and detestation of all mankind.


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In subsequent numbers, the author hopes to show that, under the principle of individual consent, the little government that mankind need, is not only practicable, but natural and easy; and that the Constitution of the United States authorizes no government, except one depending wholly on voluntary support.
No Treason Intro

No Treason No. 1

For further reading:

No Treason No. 2

No Treason No. 6
12-09-2009 , 02:48 AM
How Libertarians Win Friends And Influence People With Their Positions By Posting Walls Of Text*



*by a single almost unknown 19th century anarchist/abolitionist that reflects upon Rothbard's, Rockwell's, DiLorenzo, Woods', and the rest of Mises' dogwhistling about as much as that Louisiana justice of the peace's black friends

      
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