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The Supreme Court discussion thread The Supreme Court discussion thread

12-11-2021 , 06:23 PM
Quote:
Originally Posted by Cuepee
Sure if the Chief Justice of the SC is set on partisanship he might be able to achieve it but the benefit of stacking the court would be that the Chief Justice would have AMPLE ways, he does not currently have, to avoid partisanship being to present in any case.

SO for example a Chief justice with an Obama stacked court, adding 4 Justices, Trump then adding 7 and Biden then adding 9 makes for 29 Justices.
Then in 2024 if the GOP wins again they add 100 judges to the SC? What is the limiting principle here.

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Justice Roberts, if indeed he is interested in diffusing partisanship simply sets a rule that each hearing will have a minimum of X justices who will be chosen equally from both Dem and Rep POTUS nominations.
You generally want an odd number of judges on important cases so you can break ties.

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You can see how instantly Roberts then would be making a statement to any future POTUS that packing the court will have no effect on outcomes as you are NOT packing the proceedings.
Future presidents won't care what signals Roberts sends, because their base will just focus on the short-term wins they can get by making sure the court is in their favor. Essentially, you are just arguing for getting rid of judicial review.

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And if Roberts chose to not use that one (of many ways I could suggest) that would demonstrate that he is in fact only interested in protecting partisanship and it would throw it back to Congress then to take more aggressive steps to reform the courts.
Pretty amazing that you think packing the court in a partisan fashion makes it less political.
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So the idea that tit for tat court packing would be bad is so easily proven false and in FACT so easily proven beneficial that it should not even be entertained.
Lol.
The Supreme Court discussion thread Quote
12-12-2021 , 12:13 AM
Quote:
Originally Posted by Cuepee
When POTUS Roosevelt was faced with a Supreme Court stacked with Conservatives who clearly showed they had no intention of allowing a more liberal POTUS voted in by majority of more liberal voters to ACTUALLY run and shift the country incrementally more liberal, which is supposed to be the result of elections, and instead they showed they would flex their powers as the SC to invalidate most attempts, Roosevelt, flexed back his power and threatened to Pack the Court with more liberal Justices.

The threat worked and suddenly a series of more liberal legislation was not struck down, and that paved the way for the New Deal to come in.
Roosevelt didn't force the New Deal through Congress by threatening to pack the Court. To the contrary, Roosevelt's attempt to pack the Court failed because it lacked sufficient support among both Republicans and Democrats.

In short, Roosevelt's attempt at court packing is widely viewed by historians as a failure and a setback, not a tool that he used successfully to further his agenda. Roosevelt ultimately had a great impact on the Court. But that was because he and the Democrats kept winning elections and appointing justices.
The Supreme Court discussion thread Quote
12-12-2021 , 12:15 AM
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Originally Posted by lozen
Well look at right now the one liberal justice is super old. Retire and let Biden nominate a younger person. Many said Ruth could have done the same thing
I asked what Obama, Biden, Schumer, or voters could have done to prevent the current situation. Presidents, members of Congress, and voters have no control over when SCOTUS justices resign.
The Supreme Court discussion thread Quote
12-12-2021 , 12:23 AM
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Originally Posted by Original Position
If Obama had arbitrarily expanded the SC to include more liberal judges, wouldn't Trump have done the same in the opposite direction?
No president has the authority to unilaterally expand the SCOTUS, arbitrarily or otherwise.

I don't know whether Biden would expand the Court if it were in his power to do so. I suspect not. But it doesn't matter. He doesn't have the votes in Congress. It's as simple as that. Biden knows it. Schumer knows it. Everyone in the Western world knows it. If Biden made expansion of the Court a priority, his efforts would fail. Presidents almost never spend political capital on agenda items that are obviously futile.
The Supreme Court discussion thread Quote
12-12-2021 , 12:36 AM
Quote:
Originally Posted by Cuepee
Justice Roberts, if indeed he is interested in diffusing partisanship simply sets a rule that each hearing will have a minimum of X justices who will be chosen equally from both Dem and Rep POTUS nominations.


You can see how instantly Roberts then would be making a statement to any future POTUS that packing the court will have no effect on outcomes as you are NOT packing the proceedings.

And if Roberts chose to not use that one (of many ways I could suggest) that would demonstrate that he is in fact only interested in protecting partisanship and it would throw it back to Congress then to take more aggressive steps to reform the courts.
As I've explained before, the Chief Justice does not have unilateral authority to decide that certain justices will not hear a case. And the Supreme Court does not have authority to reduce the statutory quorum requirement, which requires a minimum of six justices to decide a case.

Your confidence that Roberts would assign panels in a non-partisan way is misplaced imo. Your confidence that a conservative successor to Roberts would assign panels is wildly misplaced. And if a chief justice was assigning cases in a way that favored the party in control of Congress, there would be zero chance of Congressional intervention.
The Supreme Court discussion thread Quote
12-12-2021 , 01:04 PM
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Originally Posted by Original Position
Then in 2024 if the GOP wins again they add 100 judges to the SC? What is the limiting principle here.
Good. 500 more judges would be even better.


You are missing or avoiding the point and seemingly purposely so.

It cannot be denied that the more individuals, the more divergence. You cannot count on every GOP appointed judge to support every GOP position now and that divergence in members costs them some rulings. The wider the divergence that harder it is to ensure you get a group with a similar SET view in any area. I can much more EASILY find 3 extreme progressives to populate a board who will not diverge on most controversial issues but it is much harder to find 100 and even more so 500 who will not diverge.

Right now people hover and salivate over every single individual SC jurist and their life expectancy as that one single seat can easily tip the balance.

That would NOT be the case if we had 100 Jurists and Roberts selected 3, 6 or 9 from that pool to hear each case.

There has long been arguments that the SC is just unable to hear cases fast enough due to backlog and you see how deftly Trump exploits that to all but defeat the Balance of Power between Branches. A much larger SC can empower itself to hear all those cases immediately and RESTORE the Constitutional balance of powers. Same for cases that are State V State.


There simply is zero downside to packing the Court and it FIXES so many of the issues and problems America is dealing with, the largest of which is the loss of Check and Balance powers between the Co equal branches of gov't.

And possibly just as important these new tactics GOP States are using to try and circumvent the Constitution and law such as Texas's new abortion law. They are weaponizing the time delays for things to go thru the courts and everyone can see this will be adopted by and templated by other GOP States.

Expedience matters. It matters a LOT.

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You generally want an odd number of judges on important cases so you can break ties.
Let us not pretend if you have 100 judges we need to have 100 judges sitting to hear a case and that is problematic as its an even number so who will break the tie.

I don't want to play such games in an attempt to MANUFACTURE this into an issue it is not.

If you have a Chief Justice who in any way cares about a semblance of fairness and the optics of the Court (which Roberts seems to as he speaks to the Press more often than predecessors defending the court) this is the easiest thing in the world for him to manage. He simply would need to implement a policy such as a lottery from the available judge pool. Each hearing will have (if a 3, 5 or 9 person panel) 50% chosen from the GOP nominated pool and 50% from the Dem nominated one and that 1 extra chosen from the entire pool randomly.

(for the math nerds I am removing 1 before dividing it 50/50 and then adding that one back in as completely random)


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Future presidents won't care what signals Roberts sends, because their base will just focus on the short-term wins they can get by making sure the court is in their favor. Essentially, you are just arguing for getting rid of judicial review.
Who cares if the future POTUS does not care that Roberts is implementing plans they cannot impact.

'Oh **** the POTUS Trump says **** Roberts, I am sending in 5 more Conservatives'. Roberts says 'it will have ZERO impact on how we plan our Court hearings and will not tip the scales as you believe or hope it will.'


Why do you and why should I and why should the Chief Justice care that the POTUS does not care? It is an absurd argument.



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Pretty amazing that you think packing the court in a partisan fashion makes it less political.


Lol.
It does. It is not even disputable.

YOu are absol8utely a status quo, protect the system as it is poster and arguably the most so on this forum so I expect the same type of specious arguments you will hear to defend the status quo from you. But there is simply no denying that your own example of adding 100 more justices as opposed to the opposite of shrinking the court to 3 justices opens makes it less open to hand picked justices who will do exactly what the GOP wants than if they only have to seek out 2.

To deny that is just gas lighting nonsense.

If we had 100 more judges today no one, NO ONE would have been hanging over RBG impending death salivating as Mitch was. And the angst over Breyer now.
The Supreme Court discussion thread Quote
12-12-2021 , 01:12 PM
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Originally Posted by Rococo
Roosevelt didn't force the New Deal through Congress by threatening to pack the Court. To the contrary, Roosevelt's attempt to pack the Court failed because it lacked sufficient support among both Republicans and Democrats.

In short, Roosevelt's attempt at court packing is widely viewed by historians as a failure and a setback, not a tool that he used successfully to further his agenda. Roosevelt ultimately had a great impact on the Court. But that was because he and the Democrats kept winning elections and appointing justices.
I watched a panel of historians debating this very thing about 3 months back on a Ted talks like panel.

It was widely viewed that FDR's THREAT of packing the court was seen as a big threat by a Court that was pretty obstinate and clearly using its power to protect GOP principles and block Dem POTUS and HOuse and Senate ability to shift the country when they got elected.

As soon as FDR threatened to pack the court several key plank pieces of his new deal agenda and left agenda started to get passed by the SC, in what was believed to be a strategy to take the legs from under FDR's argument and understood need for why the Packing needed to be done. Thus the packing became unnecessary and it did not need nor get the support to happen.

There was no belief that without those threats the courts would have suddenly lurched left on those key issues.

So what you are saying is 'it worked' as he got the 1st thing he wanted, but it failed as he did not pack the court which was less his intent then was getting his legislation passed.

The court packing would be a called a Means to an Ends that no longer became required once the Ends were achieved anyway.
The Supreme Court discussion thread Quote
12-12-2021 , 01:22 PM
Quote:
Originally Posted by Rococo
I asked what Obama, Biden, Schumer, or voters could have done to prevent the current situation. Presidents, members of Congress, and voters have no control over when SCOTUS justices resign.
I don't agree with that.

I mean if you are saying no literal control, fine but they have a TON of influence and suasion they can apply and you saw the Dem do the opposite.

I think if the Dem elite all put pressure on RBG to take one for the team to step down she would have. Instead they made sure she knew she had their support to stay and it made her more comfortable in her choice. Breyer is now doing the same when you would think he would see the folly and selfishness of his actions. IF the GOP takes the Senate in 2022 (likely) they have already made it clear that Biden will get zero picks. That will put Breyers seat at massive predictable risk of going to the GOP eventually.

It is almost as if these Dems POTUS are full of **** when it comes to them saying they actually care about the legacy of their actions and instead value way more the prestige and interactions of being on the court in real time.

I would make this bet, if not so far off. If the GOP grabs the Senate in 2022, maintains thru the GE in 2024 and wins the POTUS they will convince Clarence (who will then be 76) to step down so they can fill his seat with a much younger and even more right version of himself.

They will never announce that is why he is stepping down and the status quo Dem supports will ring their hands at HOW LUCKY the GOP is that all of their people seem to step down at just the right time. What a streak of luck. While acting confounded they cannot get the same result while saying 'we have no control over that'.
The Supreme Court discussion thread Quote
12-12-2021 , 01:31 PM
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Originally Posted by Rococo
As I've explained before, the Chief Justice does not have unilateral authority to decide that certain justices will not hear a case. And the Supreme Court does not have authority to reduce the statutory quorum requirement, which requires a minimum of six justices to decide a case.

Your confidence that Roberts would assign panels in a non-partisan way is misplaced imo. Your confidence that a conservative successor to Roberts would assign panels is wildly misplaced. And if a chief justice was assigning cases in a way that favored the party in control of Congress, there would be zero chance of Congressional intervention.
You can explain what you want but you are not the only voice or opinion on this and I can cite many who do not position it as the impossibility you do.

I know in the past when I quote lawyers such as renowned legal professors you say 'I don't really find his views compelling' and that is fine, you don't have to. But I also do not have to dismiss it because he is just a renowned professor and you are here as a real time in practice lawyer saying you think his views are not relevant.

And I am not suggesting you are wrong, I am saying there are differing views on this and as such I won't not offer my view because you keep explaining to me your view.

I will respect your view as part of the discourse but if you are saying 'you've explained this and thus it is ended and I need to move past offering this point', I won't.
The Supreme Court discussion thread Quote
12-12-2021 , 01:58 PM
And to hopefully get ahead of this before it is set out as 'oh there is QP not willing to concede to the lawyers in matter of law and legislation' as tends unfortunately to happen all too often I invite people to read this and click thru many of the links in the article that lead to further debate.

My point is not to say Rococo is wrong or I am right, and just that this is not some closed issue I should not even be arguing as the lawyers have explained their view and that should be all that matters.

This issue is one of significant debate between lawyers and legal theorists and thus should be fine fodder for discussion here.


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Court-packing, Democrats’ nuclear option for the Supreme Court, explained

...The case for court-packing
One of the most extensive arguments for court-packing comes from David Faris, a political scientist at Roosevelt University, whose book It’s Time to Fight Dirty argues for court-packing as part of a larger set of strategies to amplify Democrats’ political power, including statehood for DC and Puerto Rico, breaking California into multiple states, and expanding the House of Representatives.

The Republican Senate’s refusal to even consider Merrick Garland for Antonin Scalia’s seat, Faris writes, violated “a norm that presidents should get to nominate whoever they like, within reason.”

He continues: “Because of this unspoken agreement between the two parties, both sides regarded Supreme Court openings as what they are — lotteries to be won by lucky presidents, or lost by those unfortunate enough not to preside over an opening. The GOP’s treatment of Merrick Garland means that this informal agreement is trashed.”

That, to Faris, makes extraordinary measures like court-packing suddenly viable. And the threat of a conservative Court undoing just about any legislative accomplishments of the next unified Democratic government makes it necessary: “A Court that strikes down a Medicare For All insurance system, or legislation establishing equal funding for public education, or that chips away at abortion rights, gay rights, and other issues that are now supported clearly by a majority of the public will create a profound crisis in American society of the likes that we haven’t seen since the Great Depression.”

To lower the stakes of confirmation battles, Faris favors eliminating lifetime tenure for judges and adopting the nonpartisan group Fix the Court’s plan of nonrenewable 18-year term limits. But unless nominees voluntarily pledge to step down after 18 years (which would effectively be a form of unilateral disarmament if only one party’s nominees take that pledge), term limits would require a constitutional amendment to enact. Court-packing, by contrast, only requires an act of Congress and could pressure Republicans to accept term limits as a compromise.

“If the reactionary right is unwilling to go along with this idea, as they almost certainly won’t be due to short-term political calculations, Democrats must use the power granted to them by the Constitution to pack the Supreme Court, protect the legislation demanded by a majority of Americans and, hopefully, to convince their opponents that the current structure of the court system cries out for a bipartisan solution,” Faris concludes.

In the aftermath of Kennedy’s retirement, a number of leftist/liberal writers echoed Faris’s arguments. Attorney and writer Mark Pickett argued in the Outline, “increasing the size of the Court is an entirely proportional response to the GOP’s abuse of process. Gorsuch’s appointment alone justifies it. In shifting the Court from a potential 5 to 4 liberal majority to a 5 to 4 conservative majority, the Republicans effectively stole two votes. Increasing the Court’s size to 11 justices would merely rebalance what was taken.”

Todd Tucker, a political scientist and fellow at the Roosevelt Institute, argued more explicitly on the basis of policy outcomes in Jacobin. “With union density near an all-time low and climate catastrophe on the horizon, future lawmakers will need tools even more robust than what FDR was able to get through — think a Green [National Industrial Recovery Act] on steroids,” Tucker writes. “A handful of justices pulled from Federalist Society debating clubs can’t and shouldn’t get in the way of a more democratic and sustainable economy.”

The historical precedents behind court-packing
There are some historical precedents for changing the court’s size beyond FDR, as a recent paper by University of Wisconsin law professor Joshua Braver details. Braver chronicles the seven times the court’s size has changed:

In 1801, before the inauguration of Thomas Jefferson, the outgoing Federalist Party passed the Judiciary Act, shrinking the Court from six to five members by providing that the next member to die or resign would not be replaced.
In 1802, Jefferson’s Democratic-Republican Party repealed the 1801 law and returned the Court to six members.
In 1807, the Jeffersonian-dominated Congress expanded the Court to seven members, to accommodate a new judicial circuit covering Kentucky, Tennessee, and Ohio, then new additions to the Union.
In 1837, two new circuits were created to accommodate the new states of Louisiana, Indiana, Mississippi, Illinois, Alabama, Maine, Missouri, Arkansas, and Michigan, and the Court’s size increased to nine.
In 1863, Congress added an additional circuit covering the new states of California and Oregon, and increased the Supreme Court’s size to 10 members accordingly.
In 1866, as pro-Reconstruction Republicans in Congress did battle with President Andrew Johnson, Congress passed a law barring Johnson from filling vacancies until the Court shrank to eight members, which occurred the following year.
In 1869, with pro-Reconstruction President Ulysses S. Grant in office, Congress increased the Court’s size to nine, where it’s stayed ever since.
While some past scholarship has characterized all these changes as power grabs meant to enhance the power of the party controlling Congress, the presidency, or both, Braver argues the history is more complex, and that the 1807, 1837, and 1863 changes were driven by a now-defunct practice called “circuit-riding.”

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POWER

There is one way to fix the Supreme Court

If the left wants to rescue the federal judiciary, the answer is court packing.



...First, there is nothing legally suspect about changing the size of the Supreme Court, and there is no reason to consider nine to be the magical number of justices. Past presidents have successfully used court packing, or at least the threat of it, in times of crisis. During the Civil War, President Abraham Lincoln increased the number of justices from nine to 10 to ensure the Court had a Unionist bent.

It was not until 1869 that Congress fixed the Court at its current number. In 1937, President Franklin Roosevelt proposed a judicial reform that would have allowed him to appoint a new justice for every existing justice over the age of 70 years and six months. The legislation is sometimes described as a failure or an overreach. The mere threat of court packing, however, achieved the bill’s objective: the Court suddenly began upholding the New Deal measures that helped working people survive the Great Depression.

History is clear that when faced with an extreme threat, court packing has been successfully used to achieve a necessary end. Our current moment, where the rights of minority groups are beholden to the whims of our lawless buffoon of a president, should be treated no differently.

Second, increasing the size of the Court is an entirely proportional response the GOP’s abuse of process. Gorsuch’s appointment alone justifies it. In shifting the Court from a potential 5 to 4 liberal majority to a 5 to 4 conservative majority, the Republicans effectively stole two votes. Increasing the Court’s size to 11 justices would merely rebalance what was taken....

...Democratic politicians have a habit of rolling over in the face of a challenge. One Democratic member of the judiciary committee, Richard Blumenthal, has already suggested that Democrats play nice with Trump’s nominee to replace Kennedy....


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In Defense of Court-Packing


The early New Deal-era Court’s hostility to government activism did not neatly cut across partisan lines: the four-member conservative bloc included two Democrats, and the two swing justices were Republican. Even the three ostensibly liberal justices were unreliable allies. All three had joined three unanimous rulings against the New Deal issued on May 27, 1935, which came to be called Black Monday. These included decisions against NIRA (A.L.A. Schechter Poultry Corporation v. United States) and FDR’s firing of a conservative commissioner on the Federal Trade Commission (Humphrey’s Ex’r v. United States). Liberal lion Louis Brandeis even authored the decision against mortgage moratoria, finding them to be an unconstitutional seizure of banks’ private property (Louisville Joint Stock Land Bank v. Radford). Another liberal, Benjamin Cardozo, was the only one to dissent in an earlier NIRA case (Panama Refining Co. v. Ryan), a dissent he described as but a “narrow” point of difference with the other eight justices.

Had such precedents been allowed to stand, much of the basic federal legislation we took for granted (at least until the Roberts Court) would have been impossible to build. FDR had long sensed this, considering early in his first term a number of options to restrict the Court’s judicial review powers. Yet as historian William Leuchtenburg reports in his book on the era, public opinion was generally sour on these ideas — the Court was associated with the integrity of the Constitution itself. Nonetheless, FDR had triumphed in the 1936 elections, winning all but two states and the highest share of the popular vote in the history of the two-party system. He returned to office determined to find a way to unstick the New Deal.

On February 5, 1937, Roosevelt proposed the Judicial Procedures Reform Act, a bill that would have empowered him to appoint a new justice for every sitting one who refused to retire within six months of his seventieth birthday. At the time, six justices were already older than that, so the move would have expanded the Court to fifteen. The idea of changing the number of justices on the Court was not unprecedented. In 1789, there were initially only six justices, and statutes over the years had specified five, seven, eight, and even ten seats. Nine justices were not the norm until 1869 — when FDR’s older half-brother James was already fifteen years old.

The president had timed that announcement to precede the February 8 oral arguments in N.L.R.B. v. Jones & Laughlin Steel Corp., which dealt specifically with the 1935 Wagner Act’s prohibition on discrimination against union members and more generally whether the federal government could regulate labor relations. Roosevelt’s March 9 radio fireside chat further addressed his aims, noting how his 1933 financial crisis response had only narrowly survived Court review:

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The change of one vote would have thrown all the affairs of this great nation back into hopeless chaos. In effect, four justices ruled that the right under a private contract to exact a pound of flesh was more sacred than the main objectives of the Constitution to establish an enduring nation. . . . The Court has been acting not as a judicial body, but as a policymaking body. . . . We have, therefore, reached the point as a nation where we must take action to save the Constitution from the Court and the Court from itself.
...The effect of FDR’s threat was immediate. Within weeks, in what came to be called “the switch in time that saved nine,” the two swing votes joined with the three liberals to uphold the Wagner Act and Washington State’s minimum wage law. By 1941, emboldened with serious legal protections for the first time, union density doubled (even before the US entry into World War II, when industrial mobilization led to further gains). And by that time, enough retirements and deaths had taken place to allow Roosevelt to appoint a majority of the court. For the rest of Roosevelt’s terms, the Court blessed 100 percent of the New Deal initiatives identified by Calvert.

That’s not to say court-packing is easy. Historians have documented how FDR badly managed public and congressional opinion, and would have had difficulty actually getting a favorable vote on his bill. His ultimate triumph came from being able to wait out the Court by serving more than two terms — something not available to politicians today, despite having relatively young conservative justices like Neil Gorsuch that will be around for decades to come.

Nonetheless, this shouldn’t dissuade us. Political scientist David Faris makes a compelling case that court-packing — along with statehood for D.C. and Puerto Rico and other reforms — amounts to a prerequisite for lasting progressive change. In his new book, It’s Time to Fight Dirty, Faris proposes to expand the roster of the Court to eleven or thirteen immediately, and then pass a law allowing presidents to appoint a new justice every two years. Meanwhile, the most senior justices would be shuffled into a type of emeritus position with lesser responsibilities. The nine most junior cases would do most of the judging, with more senior justices momentarily pulled into duty in the case of a justice’s death.


Last edited by Cuepee; 12-12-2021 at 02:07 PM.
The Supreme Court discussion thread Quote
12-12-2021 , 02:00 PM
Quote:
Originally Posted by Cuepee
I don't agree with that.

I mean if you are saying no literal control, fine but they have a TON of influence and suasion they can apply and you saw the Dem do the opposite.

I think if the Dem elite all put pressure on RBG to take one for the team to step down she would have. Instead they made sure she knew she had their support to stay and it made her more comfortable in her choice. Breyer is now doing the same when you would think he would see the folly and selfishness of his actions. IF the GOP takes the Senate in 2022 (likely) they have already made it clear that Biden will get zero picks. That will put Breyers seat at massive predictable risk of going to the GOP eventually.
I disagree. It was obvious to RBG that most Democratic politicians wanted her to retire. Ginsberg acknowledged that she was facing pressure to retire. It is even more obvious to Breyer that most Democratic politicians want him to retire. I see no evidence that Breyer cares whether Democrats think he should retire. And it's obvious that RBG didn't care either.

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I would make this bet, if not so far off. If the GOP grabs the Senate in 2022, maintains thru the GE in 2024 and wins the POTUS they will convince Clarence (who will then be 76) to step down so they can fill his seat with a much younger and even more right version of himself.
This isn't much of a bet. For several years, Thomas has been perceived as the next most likely justice to leave the court next (after Breyer). I would not be at all surprised if Thomas retires in 2025 or whatever, especially if the GOP wins the presidency in 2024. But it won't be because GOP politicians convinced him. It will be a combination of Thomas retiring for personal reasons, and Thomas retiring because HE wants a conservative to replace him on the Court. I doubt Thomas gives a **** what Donald Trump, Chuck Grassley, Lindsey Graham, etc., think of him. He is an arch conservative, but he comes by it honestly. He isn't a conservative because it pleases GOP politicians.

To be honest, I'm not sure how much Thomas cares about who his successor is. I assume that he cares somewhat, but he doesn't seem to think about the Court in institutional terms nearly as much as some of them do.
The Supreme Court discussion thread Quote
12-12-2021 , 02:10 PM
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Originally Posted by Cuepee
You can explain what you want but you are not the only voice or opinion on this and I can cite many who do not position it as the impossibility you do.
Are you suggesting that you have legal authority for the proposition that (i) the Supreme Court is not bound by the statutory quorum requirement; or (ii) under existing SCOTUS rules, the Chief Justice has the authority to exclude specific justices from voting on a particular case before the Court.

If so, I would be curious to see the authority.

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I know in the past when I quote lawyers such as renowned legal professors you say 'I don't really find his views compelling' and that is fine, you don't have to. But I also do not have to dismiss it because he is just a renowned professor and you are here as a real time in practice lawyer saying you think his views are not relevant.
My recollection is that you cited something that Larry Tribe said about how a trial court would rule on a discovery matter. I pointed out that Tribe is an appellate specialist (really a SCOTUS specialist), to the extent he is a practicing lawyer at all, and not especially expert in predicting how trial judges would rule on discovery matters. I would be much more likely to defer to Tribe's expertise on a question of constitutional law.
The Supreme Court discussion thread Quote
12-12-2021 , 02:10 PM
Rococo apologies but I edited in a couple more articles with multiple links to the post above yours as I did not want to just dominate this thread with too many posts.

The last article is specifically relevant to the difference in our view of the FRD Court Packing issue and its strategic value especially when you compare it to Biden getting out in front and saying to key Donors 'don't worry nothing will really change' which is a message that would be heard lout and clear by the GOP with regards to how much fight Biden was going to offer or how much a threat any of his bluster would mean.

Biden and Establishment Dems ALWAYS signal up front (or use a proxy such as Manchin or Sinema) 'don't worry, we got this. No change is coming despite any rhetoric you may hear' and that is done absolutely deliberately.
The Supreme Court discussion thread Quote
12-12-2021 , 02:13 PM
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Originally Posted by Rococo
I disagree. It was obvious to RBG that most Democratic politicians wanted her to retire. Ginsberg acknowledged that she was facing pressure to retire. It is even more obvious to Breyer that most Democratic politicians want him to retire. I see no evidence that Breyer cares whether Democrats think he should retire. And it's obvious that RBG didn't care either.



This isn't much of a bet. For several years, Thomas has been perceived as the next most likely justice to leave the court next (after Breyer). I would not be at all surprised if Thomas retires in 2025 or whatever, especially if the GOP wins the presidency in 2024. But it won't be because GOP politicians convinced him. It will be a combination of Thomas retiring for personal reasons, and Thomas retiring because HE wants a conservative to replace him on the Court. I doubt Thomas gives a **** what Donald Trump, Chuck Grassley, Lindsey Graham, etc., think of him. He is an arch conservative, but he comes by it honestly. He isn't a conservative because it pleases GOP politicians.

To be honest, I'm not sure how much Thomas cares about who his successor is. I assume that he cares somewhat, but he doesn't seem to think about the Court in institutional terms nearly as much as some of them do.
Ahh just another coincidence if a GOP POTUS and Senate are in and Thomas retires younger than either RBG or Breyer.

Wow what luck the GOP always has.

Lets not forget both RBG and Breyer retirement talk was ample before Obama and not Biden, but damn the bad luck the Dems have if they hold out until the GOP has control.

Just so many coin flips going against the Dems and the Dems so powerless to tip those scales because ...'reasons'.
The Supreme Court discussion thread Quote
12-12-2021 , 02:28 PM
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Originally Posted by Rococo
Are you suggesting that you have legal authority for the proposition that (i) the Supreme Court is not bound by the statutory quorum requirement; or (ii) under existing SCOTUS rules, the Chief Justice has the authority to exclude specific justices from voting on a particular case before the Court.

If so, I would be curious to see the authority.
Not at all. I am saying there is debate even in amongst legal spheres on this and as such any attempt on this forum to say 'the lawyers have taken a position... case closed' is not proper. And for the record that is not as much directed at you as the other lawyer (sorry name escapes me) who likes to pop in with a guffaw laughing as if it is absurd I don't abandon my arguments when the lawyers have spoken. He has made many such passing dismissive comments along those lines.

I am saying there is a belief this can be done and the obstacles ARE surmountable. If you read the articles I posted and follow some of the links you should get some of that countering info.

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My recollection is that you cited something that Larry Tribe said about how a trial court would rule on a discovery matter. I pointed out that Tribe is an appellate specialist (really a SCOTUS specialist), to the extent he is a practicing lawyer at all, and not especially expert in predicting how trial judges would rule on discovery matters. I would be much more likely to defer to Tribe's expertise on a question of constitutional law.
Again, I am fine if you say 'ya he isn't a trial lawyer and is a professor of constitutional law so I, Rococo, do not weight his opinion high here'.

But when I cite and quote him to show the arguments I am offering are not without support, I too am fine accepting his view, even if you do not, and i am fine putting weight to it. I don't have to abandon because Rococo does not put much weight on it.

Again that was more in defense of the 'why do you continue to argue this point when we the lawyers, are telling you we disagree'.

My answer is 'because you are not the only lawyers I consider in any discussion when I consume so much legal debate and theory online'.
The Supreme Court discussion thread Quote
12-12-2021 , 03:26 PM
Quote:
Originally Posted by Cuepee
Not at all. I am saying there is debate even in amongst legal spheres on this and as such any attempt on this forum to say 'the lawyers have taken a position... case closed' is not proper. And for the record that is not as much directed at you as the other lawyer (sorry name escapes me) who likes to pop in with a guffaw laughing as if it is absurd I don't abandon my arguments when the lawyers have spoken. He has made many such passing dismissive comments along those lines.

I am saying there is a belief this can be done and the obstacles ARE surmountable. If you read the articles I posted and follow some of the links you should get some of that countering info.
I am happy to accept your formulation. Have you ever heard a lawyer express the belief that (i) the Supreme Court is not bound by the statutory quorum requirement; or (ii) under existing SCOTUS rules, the Chief Justice has the authority to exclude specific justices from voting on a particular case before the Court?
The Supreme Court discussion thread Quote
12-12-2021 , 03:33 PM
Quote:
Originally Posted by Cuepee
Ahh just another coincidence if a GOP POTUS and Senate are in and Thomas retires younger than either RBG or Breyer.

Wow what luck the GOP always has.

Lets not forget both RBG and Breyer retirement talk was ample before Obama and not Biden, but damn the bad luck the Dems have if they hold out until the GOP has control.

Just so many coin flips going against the Dems and the Dems so powerless to tip those scales because ...'reasons'.
I never said that anything was a coincidence. You are correct that there was a lot of retirement talk about RBG and Breyer. That's why I said that RBG knew full well what Democrat politicians wanted. And that why I know Breyer understands what Democrat politicians want.
The Supreme Court discussion thread Quote
12-12-2021 , 04:03 PM
Quote:
Originally Posted by Cuepee
You are missing or avoiding the point and seemingly purposely so.
You're always so fast with the claim that I'm being dishonest.

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It cannot be denied that the more individuals, the more divergence. You cannot count on every GOP appointed judge to support every GOP position now and that divergence in members costs them some rulings. The wider the divergence that harder it is to ensure you get a group with a similar SET view in any area. I can much more EASILY find 3 extreme progressives to populate a board who will not diverge on most controversial issues but it is much harder to find 100 and even more so 500 who will not diverge.
To be clear, I support expanding the federal judiciary in general, including the Supreme Court. I also think we should move to a system of regularly timed appointments to the SC instead of the current system of waiting until a Justice dies or retires.

What I oppose is packing the court, understood as the current president arbitrarily expanding the size of the court with ideologically/jurisprudentially aligned judges so the president can bypass the normal process of judicial review in passing legislation. That seems to be what you are proposing and what I am claiming would be a further politicization of the court in a bad way.

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YOu are absol8utely a status quo, protect the system as it is poster and arguably the most so on this forum so I expect the same type of specious arguments you will hear to defend the status quo from you. But there is simply no denying that your own example of adding 100 more justices as opposed to the opposite of shrinking the court to 3 justices opens makes it less open to hand picked justices who will do exactly what the GOP wants than if they only have to seek out 2.
I have previously stated ITF that I consider myself a kind of conservative, and much more of one since Trump's rise in American politics. So I don't object to be called a protect the system poster. Previous to Trump, I was more concerned with various policy arguments about how to improve American life, etc. While I still care about those issues, I'm now more concerned with preserving the status quo system of American liberal democracy, and so care much more than previously about issues like partisan polarization, perceptions of government legitimacy, the security and fairness of elections, and so on.
The Supreme Court discussion thread Quote
12-12-2021 , 06:10 PM
Quote:
Originally Posted by Rococo
I never said that anything was a coincidence. You are correct that there was a lot of retirement talk about RBG and Breyer. That's why I said that RBG knew full well what Democrat politicians wanted. And that why I know Breyer understands what Democrat politicians want.
The point being the Republicans are far more deliberate and strategic and pressuring on achieving their goals.

They are systematically taking over the Courts and voting infrastructure at the city and State levels with surgical precision. They know what they want to achieve and are doing so and it is not luck. if another Dem Potus is I will bet Clarence Thomas stays in if in good health. If a GOP POTUS gets in and they control the Senate I bet he steps down as the GO wants a slate of YOUNG SC justices who will be in place for decades to come.

The Dems, simply do not really care. They care in as much as it gets them votes, but they could truly give a **** about any of the impact on POC or women rights, etc as they are wealthy and elite it won't impact them.

And I don't mean that to be callous as they do 'care' like a California Dem cares about the homeless, but like them they will always find ways to defeat any positive change as they don't want the bother and cost. They would be happy to see it solved as long as OTHERS bare the cost.


The Dems are making it crystal clear that certain things are important and worth fighting for. The 'Filibuster' an august body tradition that MUST be protected. And the Senate Parliamentarian. A respected role that requires Dems put aside the fact the citizens have voted for these changes, the Dem POTUS made them election planks, and the Dems have the House and Senate. But god forbid the Parliamentarian say 'all that aside I disagree and think the status quo must be maintained'. 'Drat, foiled again' the Dem's say. 'If only there was something that we could do but we are stymied'.

As Mitch gives a silent laugh standing over the corpse of the last Senate Parliamentarian who dared to try and block a key GOP plank.

But then maybe the GOP just got lucky and had the fireable type and the Dems don't?
The Supreme Court discussion thread Quote
12-12-2021 , 06:23 PM
Quote:
Originally Posted by Original Position
You're always so fast with the claim that I'm being dishonest.
There are clear right talking points circulating that are so specious as to be laughable.

One is this idea that MORE Justices polarize the courts than less do. That 100 judges are easier coral tightly to vote left or right than 2 would be.

The idea is ridiculous on its face but as is the case it will be repeated as if meaningful and thus make it meaningful to some searching for a partisan position to cling to.

There just happens to be no logic defense of same. You will ALWAYS get more diversity with more justices. Some may be tougher on GOP Finance position but not as tough on Abortion issues, etc. The smaller the number the easier it to find a number that are in line on all or most issues.

That is not just a SC but an EVERYTHING issue. I can find 2 or 5 Progressives that agree on most everything but as that number gets bigger you will have divergence. FACT.


Quote:
To be clear, I support expanding the federal judiciary in general, including the Supreme Court. I also think we should move to a system of regularly timed appointments to the SC instead of the current system of waiting until a Justice dies or retires.

What I oppose is packing the court, understood as the current president arbitrarily expanding the size of the court with ideologically/jurisprudentially aligned judges so the president can bypass the normal process of judicial review in passing legislation. That seems to be what you are proposing and what I am claiming would be a further politicization of the court in a bad way.



I have previously stated ITF that I consider myself a kind of conservative, and much more of one since Trump's rise in American politics. So I don't object to be called a protect the system poster. Previous to Trump, I was more concerned with various policy arguments about how to improve American life, etc. While I still care about those issues, I'm now more concerned with preserving the status quo system of American liberal democracy, and so care much more than previously about issues like partisan polarization, perceptions of government legitimacy, the security and fairness of elections, and so on.

I am not going to spend a lot of time on this as nothing here represents my view. I am not looking in any way, nor have i suggested any skirting of judicial review. Simply Biden should correct the sins of past GOP by expanding the court by X members picked by him.

No marching orders or any other changes required by Roberts. He can decide how to integrate and deal with them.

And I don't think pointing out someone as close ideologically to a Manchin or Pelosi or even Mitch type an insult. Some may feel comfortable in that. I think many who are not in the margins, needing change to cope and survive identify that way. "Not my problems man. the current system is serving me well'.

For those being left behind though, those like you are the biggest challenge IMO. Everyone know and can fight against the far right pushing back against change but is the so called moderates who truly prevent change. Again I use the example of the California liberal. Vocal in support of homeless initiative but putting a bullet in each and every one as they come up.

Those people too I am sure would feel very comfortable describing themselves as moderates just trying to protect the systems as they stand.
The Supreme Court discussion thread Quote
12-12-2021 , 07:27 PM
Quote:
Originally Posted by Cuepee
I am not going to spend a lot of time on this as nothing here represents my view. I am not looking in any way, nor have i suggested any skirting of judicial review. Simply Biden should correct the sins of past GOP by expanding the court by X members picked by him.

No marching orders or any other changes required by Roberts. He can decide how to integrate and deal with them.
You recommend:

Quote:
Originally Posted by Cuepee
When POTUS Roosevelt was faced with a Supreme Court stacked with Conservatives who clearly showed they had no intention of allowing a more liberal POTUS voted in by majority of more liberal voters to ACTUALLY run and shift the country incrementally more liberal, which is supposed to be the result of elections, and instead they showed they would flex their powers as the SC to invalidate most attempts, Roosevelt, flexed back his power and threatened to Pack the Court with more liberal Justices.

The threat worked and suddenly a series of more liberal legislation was not struck down, and that paved the way for the New Deal to come in.
But also claim that you are in no way suggesting any skirting of judicial review by packing the court. Okay.

Quote:
And I don't think pointing out someone as close ideologically to a Manchin or Pelosi or even Mitch type an insult. Some may feel comfortable in that. I think many who are not in the margins, needing change to cope and survive identify that way. "Not my problems man. the current system is serving me well'.

For those being left behind though, those like you are the biggest challenge IMO. Everyone know and can fight against the far right pushing back against change but is the so called moderates who truly prevent change. Again I use the example of the California liberal. Vocal in support of homeless initiative but putting a bullet in each and every one as they come up.

Those people too I am sure would feel very comfortable describing themselves as moderates just trying to protect the systems as they stand.
As usual, you are full of ****. "I don't think it is an insult to point out someone is close ideologically to Manchin, Pelosi, or Mitch." But also, moderates only care that they are themselves doing well and are the biggest challenge to a better life for those worse off than themselves.

In fact, a Democratic party that cared more about the views of low-income Americans would be less pro-choice than it is currently as that is more popular among the wealthy than the poor. So your description of moderate is not even factually accurate on your own grounds.

Anyway, I don't really describe myself as a moderate. Nor does your description have anything to do with my views. For instance, I've long worked with YIMBY groups in part because of my view that the best solution for homelessness is for us to build more housing. I've also volunteered for years at my church's homeless shelter. I've also argued in this forum for a UBI as a way to help the worst off. You just can't handle honest disagreement on policy or politics without looking for some character deficit as an explanation.
The Supreme Court discussion thread Quote
12-13-2021 , 12:41 PM
Quote:
Originally Posted by Original Position
You recommend:



But also claim that you are in no way suggesting any skirting of judicial review by packing the court. Okay.
Maybe we understand Judicial review differently.

Explain to me explicitly what is the mechanism that a threat of packing the court does or triggers that denies the SC to then apply judicial review to pending matters set for hearing?

I am not following your leap here that one (a commitment to add more judges) then means two, judicial review can no longer be done.

But I await the explanation. I think you are full of **** but with hold that opinion until you clearly demonstrate the precluding mechanism.




Quote:

As usual, you are full of ****. "I don't think it is an insult to point out someone is close ideologically to Manchin, Pelosi, or Mitch." But also, moderates only care that they are themselves doing well and are the biggest challenge to a better life for those worse off than themselves.
Yes they are. It is almost always the moderate, centrist, comfortable status quo voter that is the impediment to any real change. They are typically the swing vote and know it thus why Manchin and Sinema arguably have MORE POWER to decide where lines are drawn on acceptable legislation than Biden.

And just like with Manchin and Sinema driven by blinding self interest at the expense of the Party, their POTUS and the very voters who gave them that power, they almost always are not motivated to act in any way that will impact their already comfy circumstances and life. You are one who is in the necessary ranks of gas lighting for the Manchin and SInema types making th very blatantly false and specious arguments that they are acting for their constituency who has different concerns and needs.

That is such blatant Trump like 'Stolen Election' BS it should not be engaged but just as Trump knows so too does Manchin and Sinema know that if they can get enough people in the Press to keep repeating it (and the donors and corporations are happy to pay them to do just that) then average citizens will be duped into believing it has merit, at best, or others will be happy to also be a disinformation instrument and spread it.

Just as you do not historically see things like big election reform or rights for POC happen until those in the comfy middle, not effected, feel the heat of protests and the disruption and then, and only then, are moved to real action.

It is a sad truth of society as a whole that simply because you sympathize with a situation (Cali left and homelessness) does NOT mean you will support any change that impacts YOU. And in fact most will sabotage it, while pretending they did not (again Cali NIMBY).




Quote:
In fact, a Democratic party that cared more about the views of low-income Americans would be less pro-choice than it is currently as that is more popular among the wealthy than the poor. So your description of moderate is not even factually accurate on your own grounds.
I find this t be a bad faith leap as you seem to be trying to conflate religious resistance or shedding, which comes with wealth wrongly here. But feel free to explain this point more if you want me to reply more fully.


Quote:
Anyway, I don't really describe myself as a moderate. Nor does your description have anything to do with my views. For instance, I've long worked with YIMBY groups in part because of my view that the best solution for homelessness is for us to build more housing. I've also volunteered for years at my church's homeless shelter. I've also argued in this forum for a UBI as a way to help the worst off. You just can't handle honest disagreement on policy or politics without looking for some character deficit as an explanation.
I am glad that is the case.

I also see you as the very first person to jump in and provide the type of Fox news type Trump cover for the actions and decisions of Manchin and Sinema so I am not judging you in a vacuum. I also see you as one of the first to take almost a trolling position against anything posted by more progressive leaning posters with almost zero desire to give on any of their points. I see it as a game to you that if you were on Chris Cuomo show you would be pleased to make all the 'anti' points that are good talking points, not because they are accurate or true but just because you 'can'. It cannot be 100% proven to be wrong so just consider it an 'alternative fact' until you prove otherwise type point.

But I certainly can believe you think that way and do those things. Many in Cali volunteer in homeless kitchens and then go home and vote against a low income housing shelter and they NEVER reconcile those things. They believe it DOES need to be addressed and it is WRONG, but also think if they push it down the road (NIMBY) they will find another way to address and fix it that does not compromise them and the benefits in their life they now enjoy. Someone else will pay... somehow.
The Supreme Court discussion thread Quote
12-13-2021 , 12:58 PM
Quote:
Originally Posted by Cuepee
There simply is zero downside to packing the Court
How can you say things like this and still pretend like you are an honest, rational poster?
The Supreme Court discussion thread Quote
12-13-2021 , 02:16 PM
Quote:
Originally Posted by ganstaman
How can you say things like this and still pretend like you are an honest, rational poster?
Because this is purely a theoretical discussion. No one is dealing with facts here. And that is my opinion. I absolutely believe there is zero downside and only upside in packing the court the way things have evolved today. I believe it gives all the tools to fix all that ails the court and why people have continued to lose confidence in the court.
The Supreme Court discussion thread Quote
12-13-2021 , 02:43 PM
Quote:
Originally Posted by Cuepee
Maybe we understand Judicial review differently.

Explain to me explicitly what is the mechanism that a threat of packing the court does or triggers that denies the SC to then apply judicial review to pending matters set for hearing?

I am not following your leap here that one (a commitment to add more judges) then means two, judicial review can no longer be done.

But I await the explanation. I think you are full of **** but with hold that opinion until you clearly demonstrate the precluding mechanism.
Here is a definition of judicial review:

Quote:
Legal Information Institute:
Judicial review is the idea, fundamental to the US system of government, that the actions of the executive and legislative branches of government are subject to review and possible invalidation by the judiciary. Judicial review allows the Supreme Court to take an active role in ensuring that the other branches of government abide by the constitution.
If the majority of judges on the Supreme Court views some legislation as unconstitutional, and so is going to overturn it, and then the president arbitrarily adds new people to the court so that now the majority on the court now view it as constitutional, the process of judicial review is effectively neutered since the prior judges can't really overturn legislation without losing the majority necessary to do so.

Here are some recent examples of court packing according to Vox.com:

Quote:
-In 1946-47, Argentina’s populist president and former military coup conspirator Juan Perón successfully impeached four out of the country’s five Supreme Court justices in a bid to consolidate power.

-In 1989, Argentine President Carlos Menem, fearing Supreme Court opposition to his privatization schemes, expanded the court from five to nine members and packed it with sympathetic judges.

-In 2004, Hugo Chávez’s allies in the National Assembly of Venezuela expanded the Supreme Court from 20 members to 32 and packed it with Chávez loyalists.
Among many other attempts to weaken the judiciary, Turkey’s authoritarian President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, then the prime minister, in 2010 pushed through a referendum increasing the Constitutional Court’s size from 11 to 17 and enabling him and his loyalists to fill the new vacancies.

-In 2012, Juan Orlando Hernández, then the president of Honduras’s National Congress and today the increasingly dictatorial country’s right-wing president, conspired to sack four of the five Supreme Court justices and replace them with his allies.

-As part of Viktor Orbán’s rise to power as Hungary’s dictator, in 2010 he and his Fidesz party amended the rules of Supreme Court appointment so that the opposition no longer had to assent to nominees; in 2011, they expanded the number of judges from 11 to 15; in 2012 and 2013, they expanded terms on the bench from nine to 12 years and eliminated the 70-year age limit previously in place. These moves, together, resulted in 11 out of 15 judges being Fidesz loyalists.

-Poland’s authoritarian nationalist Law and Justice party in 2017 seized control over the Supreme Court by pushing legislation that gives the ruling party the ability to appoint new judges and the power to dismiss judges below a certain retirement age (which happens to disproportionately enable the dismissal of judges critical of the Law and Justice party). In the wake of massive public opposition, the president vetoed the legislation, only to accept a very similar bill months later. All this followed the party’s 2015 decision to not swear in judges appointed by their predecessors and to force a supermajority requirement on the court, effectively weakening it.
As noted in that article: "The pattern is clear: Court-packing is what autocrats do as they begin to consolidate their power."

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Yes they are. It is almost always the moderate, centrist, comfortable status quo voter that is the impediment to any real change. They are typically the swing vote and know it thus why Manchin and Sinema arguably have MORE POWER to decide where lines are drawn on acceptable legislation than Biden.
Fine, whatever, you can think moderates are scum. The BS part is where you say you're not insulting me by calling me a moderate and then immediately describe moderates as selfish people blocking the worse off from a better life.

Quote:
I find this t be a bad faith leap as you seem to be trying to conflate religious resistance or shedding, which comes with wealth wrongly here. But feel free to explain this point more if you want me to reply more fully.
My point here is that you assume without any evidence except your feelings that moderates are upper middle+ white people. This is not clearly the case, especially on the kind of culture war issues like abortion that you are responding to here. As demonstrated in the survey I linked, lower income people are more likely to support restrictions on abortion than high-income people.

Quote:
I am glad that is the case.

I also see you as the very first person to jump in and provide the type of Fox news type Trump cover for the actions and decisions of Manchin and Sinema so I am not judging you in a vacuum. I also see you as one of the first to take almost a trolling position against anything posted by more progressive leaning posters with almost zero desire to give on any of their points. I see it as a game to you that if you were on Chris Cuomo show you would be pleased to make all the 'anti' points that are good talking points, not because they are accurate or true but just because you 'can'. It cannot be 100% proven to be wrong so just consider it an 'alternative fact' until you prove otherwise type point.

But I certainly can believe you think that way and do those things. Many in Cali volunteer in homeless kitchens and then go home and vote against a low income housing shelter and they NEVER reconcile those things. They believe it DOES need to be addressed and it is WRONG, but also think if they push it down the road (NIMBY) they will find another way to address and fix it that does not compromise them and the benefits in their life they now enjoy. Someone else will pay... somehow.
Yes, I'm well aware of this attempted soul read of me you been shopping for a while. As you say, it is an unfalsifiable claim, and you bring it up whenever I post here. You think I'm some kind of bad faith contrarian poster, and the only evidence you've ever given for this is that I disagree with your progressive takes. But I've been very clear, I'm not a progressive. I think the Bernie-style progressive view of politics is wrong at its core. Grow up and realize that people can have disagreements about politics and policy without lying about their views.
The Supreme Court discussion thread Quote

      
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