Quote:
Originally Posted by well named
This seems like progress to me (i.e. we can stop focusing on "empirical" and talk about "evidence") but let me elaborate:
Data are empirical by virtue of the methods used to obtain them. Data are evidence in relation to specific propositions. The same data may be evidence for some set of claims but not for others. If I make a claim about racial disparities in crime rates, crime stats are absolutely evidence. The word "predisposition" is doing a lot of work in your sentence, and it changes the nature of the claim from a simple statement of facts to one focused on causal explanations. Crime stats are primary evidence in support of some claims about crime, and not really evidence at all in support of other claims about the causality of crime rates.
If you go back to the beginning of this conversation, you asked for "links to empirical evidence that the job market is racially discriminatory?" Now, the word discrimination here refers to prejudicial treatment, and both legally (cf. disparate impact) and practically speaking the impact of discrimination is clearly more important than its exact motivations. The data provided by the studies we've discussed, which are empirical data, are in fact evidence in support of the claim that the job market is racially discriminatory. They provide direct evidence of that claim precisely because they demonstrate how job seekers of different races are treated differently and prejudicially.
What I've agreed with is that these studies are less conclusive as evidence in support of claims about the exact motivations of managers evaluating resumes, or the exact causes of that discrimination. But I haven't made any claims about the exact causality or motivations, and in fact from the beginning I linked you to a post that discussed the caveats in that regard. I only tried to answer your question in the way it was asked.
Okay, but this is an issue that comes up a lot in conversations about racial discrimination: outcomes vs motivation, the what and the why. I don't think it does much good to separate them the way you do. The bump on my head is evidence the damn door hit me in the head last night, so let's do something about that door. Why did it hit my head, because I ran into it. Turns out we don't need to fix much about the door, it's working fine. Perhaps I should just drink less.
Pointing out that many black people are subject to discrimination in the hiring process and calling that evidence of racial discrimination without parsing out the reasons why might be akin to blaming the door in my silly example, or in a more serious one, pointing at black crime rates and calling that evidence of racial tendency to violence is blaming blacks. Isn't it?
That sort of statement can be very misleading. I think focusing in too closely on the outcomes like that risks missing the forest for the trees. Claiming we have empirical evidence of black's violent tendencies leads people to claim we should do something about those darned violent blacks, or at least it prevents good arguments about problems with the prison-industrial complex sinking in.
Likewise, claiming you have empirical evidence of racial discrimination in the workforce (that only an idiot or racist would dispute, lol conservatards, lol SMP) leads people to claim we should do something about those damn racist capitalists, etc., etc, and it hardens them to good arguments on why less regulation on business can help the economy and ultimately help everyone.
Again, what if the biggest factors behind the resume call back discrepancies between whites and blacks have much less to do with the racial component of the names, and more to do with socioeconomic status implications, or even simply the commonality of the names. From the 2008 study you linked earlier:
http://hosted2.ap.org/APDefault/*/Ar...e01f3e04e9844b
Quote:
Overall discussion
The results from these three studies complement and expand on the findings from research in social psychology. We have taken the results from those studies and applied them to personnel decisions. Our results also complement and expand on the findings from labor economics, principally the findings from Bertrand and Mullainathan (2003) and Bart et al. (1997). However, our findings suggest that their results may not have been due simply to racial prejudice. We found similar effects for both African-American and Russian names. We found prejudice for a variety of unique names, not just African-American names.
The regression analyses from Study 1 indicated that the African-American and Russian names were not liked as much as Common names because they were unusual, and because of prejudice (against African-Americans and non-Americans). However, the uniqueness of the names appeared to be a stronger predictor of liking than the racial or ethnic category.
This study backs up the idea that the racial implications of the names have less to do with the discrimination than uniqueness of the names, so even though the outcome is that many black people are subject to discrimination in the hiring process, so is anyone else who has an uncommon name. It might be more useful and accurate to state that you have found empirical evidence of uncommon name discrimination in the hiring process, and for everyone to understand that when considering how important their unique name is to them while filling out their resumes.
Last edited by FoldnDark; 07-06-2017 at 07:46 AM.
Reason: Speling