What other societal factors, aside from an increase in pornography, might have led to the decrease in crimes in Japan? And if pornography doesn't lead to rape and sex crimes, what does? Obviously these are complicated multifaceted questions. In response, we agree with many (e.g., Brannigan. 1997; Fisher & Barak, 1991, Gottfredson & Hirschi, 1990) that crimes in general are not simply a matter of "monkey see - monkey do." As with most other crimes, sex crimes are usually opportunistic, given little forethought and typically committed by individuals with poor self or social control. And such individuals are often identifiable before they would be exposed to any substantial SEM. More than half of adult sex offenders were often known to be adolescent sex offenders (Abel, 1985; Knopp, 1984). As Gottfredson and Hirschi (1990) state: ". . . the origins of criminality of low self control are to be found in the first six or eight years of life, during which time the child remains under the control and supervision of the family or a familial institution . . . policies directed towards enhancement of the ability of familial institutions to socialize children are the only realistic long-term state policies with potential for substantial crime reduction (pp. 272-273).
The increasing competitive nature of the Japanese educational and employment situation over the last two decades has pressured more time being devoted to school achievement starting in preschool and continuing through college; hours of home-work and extra tutoring after school (juckyu) are common (Efrom, 1997). And Japanese mothers usually remain at home to supervise their children through the middle school if not the high school years. We believe this in itself reduces the opportunity for anti-social or criminal activity and helps socialize the child to avoid criminal behaviors as an adult.
Ellis (1989) attributes sex crimes to innate motives toward sexual expression and a drive to possess and control. The increased early age times under family jurisdiction can help modify these drives. So too, we think, can the standard Japanese K-12 sex education programs take some credit. Thus, socially positive proactive forces, in themselves, may account for much of the reduction in the crime seen. Other forces responsible for the modification of sex crimes rates in Japan or elsewhere have yet to be determined.
A companion question also arises: Might there be negative effects of the increase in pornography availability other than measured by our inspection of documented sex crimes? Feminists, religious conservatives and other moralists consider pornography a problem even if it can not be proven that it leads to an increase in sex crimes (see e.g., Court, 1984; Osanka & Lee, 1984). Some see it as violence against women per se, e.g., "The question is not: does pornography cause violence against women? Pornography is violence against women, violence which pervades and distorts every aspect of our culture (Dworkin, 1981, book cover)." And Steinham (1983) has written: "pornography is about power and sex-as-weapon - in the same way we have come to understand that rape is about violence, and not really about sexuality at all (pp. 38)." MacKinnen (1993) considers even written pornography degrading and harmful to women by its mere existence.
There are certainly anecdotal reports of negative consequences, aside from sex crimes, attributed to pornography. These range from domestic violence (e.g., Sommers & Check, 1987), to child abuse (e.g., Burgess & Hartman, 1987). There is, however, no evidence that pornography is in anyway causal in such terrible and regrettable crimes (Howitt & Cumberbatch, 1985). These anti-social and criminal acts, we believe, are more likely due to the poorly parented and inadequately schooled individuals with poor self or social control mentioned above.