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Religious liberty in America Religious liberty in America

08-21-2020 , 11:04 PM
Quote:
Originally Posted by RoundGuy
I'm pretty sure that legally, yes.

WTF with blood transfusions?

I'm only responding because I know you just like to "drive-by" and will likely never return.
The Jehovah's Witnesses oppose blood transfusions.
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08-21-2020 , 11:32 PM
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Originally Posted by LKJ
Nice hyphen.
Sometimes, I get it right.

drive-by
: done or made in a quick or cursory manner
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08-21-2020 , 11:34 PM
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Originally Posted by lagtight
The Jehovah's Witnesses oppose blood transfusions.
And again, I'm pretty sure that legally they are a religion.
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08-22-2020 , 08:10 AM
Quote:
Originally Posted by RoundGuy
And again, I'm pretty sure that legally they are a religion.
+1


I thought you were inquiring about religion DS was referring to when he mentioned blood transfusions.
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10-15-2020 , 11:02 AM
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Originally Posted by Original Position
While I think preserving the power of white people was part of the reason for the alliance between the GOP and white evangelicals, I think framing it as you do here as being more about "white cultural identity" is misleading because it elides the very real and important religious motivation for this alliance. The civil rights reforms did have a major impact in politically activating white Christians (eg in increased support for a private religious schools), but the more lasting causes of the religious right tended to result more from the sexual revolution of the seventies, which was (imo correctly) perceived by conservative Christians as a rejection of their way of life and a challenge to their values. For Christians who understood their views on abortion, premarital sex, divorce, adultery, homosexuality, contraception, egalitarian marriage, and so on as being the result of important moral teachings of Christianity, the rise of different views among Democrats led to increased support for the GOP. This seems pretty ordinary and unsurprising to me. Reducing this to a fight about white cultural identity is misleading - evangelicalism is a religious identity, not an ethnic nor racial one.
I think the commonly accepted historical narrative is that White Evangelicals began to ally themselves with the GOP as a direct result of Roe v. Wade and the formation of the Moral Majority in the 70's, as you point out. However, the immediate reaction to Roe by Evangelicals was mixed before the issue became intentionally politicized by church leaders. I think I subscribe more to the narrative that the White Evangelical/Conservative alliance has its roots not in any religious issue, but racial, ie Brown v Board of Ed.

https://www.politico.com/magazine/st...origins-107133

Decent piece if you have the time.

Again, I think your saying 'Christian' in your points is not totally accurate, as Catholics did not defect to the Conservative side en masse as did the White Evangelicals, so clearly it cannot be due totally to religious concerns.

However as always, with narrative driven histories, we are both likely oversimplifying things.
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10-15-2020 , 02:54 PM
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Originally Posted by EADGBE
I think the commonly accepted historical narrative is that White Evangelicals began to ally themselves with the GOP as a direct result of Roe v. Wade and the formation of the Moral Majority in the 70's, as you point out. However, the immediate reaction to Roe by Evangelicals was mixed before the issue became intentionally politicized by church leaders. I think I subscribe more to the narrative that the White Evangelical/Conservative alliance has its roots not in any religious issue, but racial, ie Brown v Board of Ed.

https://www.politico.com/magazine/st...origins-107133

Decent piece if you have the time.
I think the framing in that article is misleading, presenting its conclusion as an either/or when it is actually a both/and. As Balmer points out, opposition to desegregation of private religious schools was a primary reason some early leaders of the Religious Right became politically active. However, in order to become a mass movement, it had to broaden its concerns to appeal to religious social conservatives more generally, hence abortion (and other religious issues).

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Randall Balmer:
But Falwell and Weyrich, having tapped into the ire of evangelical leaders, were also savvy enough to recognize that organizing grassroots evangelicals to defend racial discrimination would be a challenge. It had worked to rally the leaders, but they needed a different issue if they wanted to mobilize evangelical voters on a large scale.

By the late 1970s, many Americans—not just Roman Catholics—were beginning to feel uneasy about the spike in legal abortions following the 1973 Roe decision. The 1978 Senate races demonstrated to Weyrich and others that abortion might motivate conservatives where it hadn’t in the past. That year in Minnesota, pro-life Republicans captured both Senate seats (one for the unexpired term of Hubert Humphrey) as well as the governor’s mansion. In Iowa, Sen. Dick Clark, the Democratic incumbent, was thought to be a shoo-in: Every poll heading into the election showed him ahead by at least 10 percentage points. On the final weekend of the campaign, however, pro-life activists, primarily Roman Catholics, leafleted church parking lots (as they did in Minnesota), and on Election Day Clark lost to his Republican pro-life challenger.
He goes on to discuss other influential religious leaders like Francis Schaeffer whose initial political focus was on abortion. I just think it is silly to deny that that opposition to abortion was integral to the rise of the religious right. I agree it wasn't the only issue, and of course, as with any mass movement, there are leaders who use the passion of the movement for their own ends. But it was abortion that has persisted most as an issue, even now four decades later.

However, my main point here is not to muse about the origins of the religious right in the 1970s, but about the religious right as it exists today. I see few religious right people advocating for or defending legal racial segregation in schools. You don't see racial polarization in support for current conservative education policy priorities like school choice or charter schools. But I have lived through decades of religious conservatives being very publicly concerned about abortion, homosexuality, women serving in the military, sex in the media, and a bunch of other traditional social conservative ideas associated with evangelical Christianity. I don't buy into the progressive racial hermeneutics of suspicion, so I mostly just believe them.

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Again, I think your saying 'Christian' in your points is not totally accurate, as Catholics did not defect to the Conservative side en masse as did the White Evangelicals, so clearly it cannot be due totally to religious concerns.
Notice I said "conservative Christians" had this view of social changes being in opposition to traditional Christianity. This is true among (religiously) conservative Catholics as well as Protestants, even if their political opposition sometimes takes different forms.
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10-15-2020 , 03:09 PM
Quote:
Originally Posted by EADGBE
I think the commonly accepted historical narrative is that White Evangelicals began to ally themselves with the GOP as a direct result of Roe v. Wade and the formation of the Moral Majority in the 70's, as you point out. However, the immediate reaction to Roe by Evangelicals was mixed before the issue became intentionally politicized by church leaders. I think I subscribe more to the narrative that the White Evangelical/Conservative alliance has its roots not in any religious issue, but racial, ie Brown v Board of Ed.



https://www.politico.com/magazine/st...origins-107133



Decent piece if you have the time.



Again, I think your saying 'Christian' in your points is not totally accurate, as Catholics did not defect to the Conservative side en masse as did the White Evangelicals, so clearly it cannot be due totally to religious concerns.
At least since Vatican II, Catholic teaching as a whole has been much more liberal than evangelicals on economic issues. On the other hand, the Catholic teachings on so-called "social issues" such as abortion and homosexuality and birth control are more CONSERVATIVE than most evangelicals.

As s result, many Catholics are conflicted, because they like the Democrats on many economic issues, while supporting the Republicans on many social issues.
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10-15-2020 , 04:01 PM
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Originally Posted by Original Position
I think the framing in that article is misleading, presenting its conclusion as an either/or when it is actually a both/and. As Balmer points out, opposition to desegregation of private religious schools was a primary reason some early leaders of the Religious Right became politically active. However, in order to become a mass movement, it had to broaden its concerns to appeal to religious social conservatives more generally, hence abortion (and other religious issues).

He goes on to discuss other influential religious leaders like Francis Schaeffer whose initial political focus was on abortion. I just think it is silly to deny that that opposition to abortion was integral to the rise of the religious right. I agree it wasn't the only issue, and of course, as with any mass movement, there are leaders who use the passion of the movement for their own ends. But it was abortion that has persisted most as an issue, even now four decades later.
Correct, abortion, etc. is how leaders got the masses to align themselves with conservatives. The argument is that the roots of the disenchantment with the left, and the fomenting of white evangelicals into an identifiable conservative voting bloc stems from those original racial motivations. That abortion became such a rallying cry lends itself to your position.

Quote:
Originally Posted by Original Position
However, my main point here is not to muse about the origins of the religious right in the 1970s, but about the religious right as it exists today. I see few religious right people advocating for or defending legal racial segregation in schools. You don't see racial polarization in support for current conservative education policy priorities like school choice or charter schools. But I have lived through decades of religious conservatives being very publicly concerned about abortion, homosexuality, women serving in the military, sex in the media, and a bunch of other traditional social conservative ideas associated with evangelical Christianity. I don't buy into the progressive racial hermeneutics of suspicion, so I mostly just believe them.

Notice I said "conservative Christians" had this view of social changes being in opposition to traditional Christianity. This is true among (religiously) conservative Catholics as well as Protestants, even if their political opposition sometimes takes different forms.
Understandable. I'm sure someone like lagtight who's actually lived through it might think this is all a bunch of liberal revisionist history nonsense. In my own personal experience, I've grown up around a lot of very religious Asian Americans, who did not seem nearly as obsessed over above mentioned issues, and tended to vote D, which is just juxtaposed with the image of the politically active white middle America evangelicals in my mind. I suppose we are all just shaped by our personal experiences, and I'd probably be a Trump slappy if I grew up in an Appalachia trailer park.

Quote:
Originally Posted by lagtight
At least since Vatican II, Catholic teaching as a whole has been much more liberal than evangelicals on economic issues. On the other hand, the Catholic teachings on so-called "social issues" such as abortion and homosexuality and birth control are more CONSERVATIVE than most evangelicals.

As s result, many Catholics are conflicted, because they like the Democrats on many economic issues, while supporting the Republicans on many social issues.
I think there is definitely a strange conflict within Christianity, with regards to real life political applications, between the teaching that one should help the less fortunate and the general Christian/John Locke type ideas that hard work leads to prosperity and one should not be looking for handouts.
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10-16-2020 , 12:53 PM
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Originally Posted by EADGBE
Correct, abortion, etc. is how leaders got the masses to align themselves with conservatives. The argument is that the roots of the disenchantment with the left, and the fomenting of white evangelicals into an identifiable conservative voting bloc stems from those original racial motivations. That abortion became such a rallying cry lends itself to your position.
I'm trying to make sense of this argument. The claim is that the root of white evangelicals becoming a reliable conservative voting bloc is because of original racial motivations of some of its leaders to get involved in politics. However, the author acknowledges racial social conservativism was too unpopular and toxic to attract popular support, and so social conservativism instead grew as a mass movement on the basis of more popular social conservativism issues, like opposition to legalized abortion. Huh? I understand the Religious Right as primarily a mass movement, not a story of elite power. Most of the leaders of the Religious Right, eg Falwell, Dobson, Schaeffer, etc never had much direct political power and mostly stayed out of DC.

This is like the inverse of those conservative arguments that point to Margaret Sanger's support for eugenics as demonstrating that the pro-choice movement roots are racist.

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Understandable. I'm sure someone like lagtight who's actually lived through it might think this is all a bunch of liberal revisionist history nonsense. In my own personal experience, I've grown up around a lot of very religious Asian Americans, who did not seem nearly as obsessed over above mentioned issues, and tended to vote D, which is just juxtaposed with the image of the politically active white middle America evangelicals in my mind. I suppose we are all just shaped by our personal experiences, and I'd probably be a Trump slappy if I grew up in an Appalachia trailer park.
Fair enough, although I'll point out that the more Christian countries in Asia Pacific typically have conservative laws on abortion, i.e. it is mostly banned in the Philippines, South Korea, and Papua New Guinea.

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I think there is definitely a strange conflict within Christianity, with regards to real life political applications, between the teaching that one should help the less fortunate and the general Christian/John Locke type ideas that hard work leads to prosperity and one should not be looking for handouts.
It is noticeable that even though America is much more Christian than Europe, we don't have a significant Christian Democratic party faction (conservative on social issues, center-left on economic issues). Black and Hispanic voters have some of this impact in the Democratic party, but few black and Hispanic Democratic party political elites are publicly social conservatives.
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12-04-2020 , 03:16 PM
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Originally Posted by Original Position
that their views on homosexuality weren't capricious and cruel towards undeserving victims.
Are progressive's insinuations of thoughtcrime a function of their tyrannical nature, or their oversensitivity? Or perhaps tyranny sprouts from oversensitivity and bigotry (as they claim)?
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12-04-2020 , 07:17 PM
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Originally Posted by Wittgenheiny
Are progressive's insinuations of thoughtcrime a function of their tyrannical nature, or their oversensitivity? Or perhaps tyranny sprouts from oversensitivity and bigotry (as they claim)?
Do you feel pleasure from insulting strangers on the internet?
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