Quote:
Originally Posted by Original Position
You think basic demographic facts like sex, race sexual orientation, age, etc. tell you nothing about a person beyond that one fact?
Quote:
Originally Posted by LordJvK
No not really. Unless you want to indulge in wild stereotyping.*
I don't think you ever really responded to the argument I made about this in
the POG politics thread.
On a different note, I somewhat randomly picked up a copy of
Social Theory and the Politics of Identity yesterday and I think Calhoun makes some interesting points about identity politics in general.
On the rise of identity politics as a consequence of democracy:
Quote:
In the cosmopolitan capitals of empires and the great merchant cities on the long-distance trade routes, members of different religions and ethnic groups coexisted in a harmony we find hard to recall. Istanbul (or formerly Constaninople) was home to different sects of Christians, Jews, Muslims, for example....
But the citizens of these cosmopolitan cities could coexist in tolerance not because they necessarily liked each other, or shared some lowest common denominator of common culture. They could coexist in large part because they were not called upon to join in very many collective projects....
It was democracy, and more generally the rise of a way of thinking that said governments get their legitimacy from the peopel and not from divine right, ancient inheritance, and sheer power, that transformed relations among different groups of citizens. Democratic thinking depended on notions such as "the will of the people," which in turn depended on constituting or discovering some such common will." (2)
On the link between identity and political representation:
Quote:
Recognition is at the heart of the matter. No matter when and where on looks, subjectivity is perhaps best understood as a project, as something always under construction, never perfect.... A crucial aspect of the project of subjectivity is identity. Identity turns on the interrelated problems of self-recognition and recognition by others. Recognition is vital to any reflexivity, for example, any capicity to look at oneself, to choose one's actions and see their consequences and hope to make oneself something more or better than one is. This component of recognition may be the aspect of identity made most problematic by the social changes of modernity [read: fragmentation of identities, increase in individualism, proliferation of discourses....]
Problems involving recognition -- or non-recognition -- by others are integrally related to issues in personal self-recognition. This is one of the reasons why the sometimes abused and increasingly criticized feminist slogan, "the personal is political," still merits attention. It is not just that others fail to see us for who we are sure we really are, or repress us for who they think we are. We face problems of recognition because socially sustained discourses about who it is possible or appropriate or valuable to be inevitably shape the way we look at and constitute ourselves, with varying degrees of agonism and tension. These concerns frequently, though not uniformly, are expressed in and give rise to "identity politics."
These identity pursuits are "politics" for several reasons. These go beyond the general assertion that "personal is political," even though that slogan helped pioneer the feminist version of these identity politics.... The pursuits labeled "identity politics" are collective, not merely individual, and public, not only private. They are struggles, not merely gropings; power partially determines outcomes and power relations are changed by the struggles. They involve seeking recognition, legitimacy (and sometimes power), not only expression or autonomy; other people, groups and organizations (including states) are called upon to respond. Indeed, one of the most problematic effects of the new age, pop psychological and self-help rhetorics with which many identity politics movements have articulated their concerns and programs is a tendency to obscure their necessarily social, political, and public character (20-21)
I think the last sentence is one you might agree with, and is similar to the beginning of Harris' criticism which you quotes, but I think Calhoun makes the point that these concerns are inextricable and inevitable. Beyond that though, I think Harris misses the point that movements which hinge in part on collective identity are nevertheless effective. For example, maybe we could argue that BLM's framings or presentations of the issues could be improved by emphasizing specific issues and solutions over matters of identity, but it's hard to imagine the DOJ reports on Baltimore, Ferguson, and Chicago, or the independent efforts by The Guardian and others to document police shootings, or
The FBI's decision to improve tracking of police shootings (whether it survives Trump or not...) happening without BLM. And it's completely obvious why the political issues hew so closely to matters of identity for black Americans.